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This paper aims to be a presentation to a source that mobilizes new questions to researchers that deal with the Conquest of the Desert and the consolidation of the Argentinean state: the lists of indigenous prisoners in the concentration camp of Valcheta (1887). Firstly, we wonder about the relationship created by the “future” as a constitutive part of historical narratives. Secondly, we present our theoretical and methodological approach that we synthesize as the reconstruction of a "shattered archive". That is, a historical exercise to assemble the scattered evidence of silenced processes, particularly, due to institutional violence. Finally, the essay contextualizes the source both from its process of production as well as its circulation as part of the historical narrative that understands Valcheta as a concentration camp spatialized during the incorporation of indigenous peoples of Patagonia to the nation-state-territory matrix.

The “Cordobazo” (1969) inaugurated a time of great popular mobilization to confront the dictatorship of Juan Carlos Onganía. Since then, thousands of young middle class joined the Peronism and guerrilla organizations. The Argentine Armed Forces weren´t outside of this process, and many junior officers, from different variants of nationalist thought, also linked the Peronism. This paper intends to reconstruct, based on oral sources, the career of many lieutenants and captains of the Argentine Army that linked with Peronist Movement (often clandestinely) during the last phase of the so-called “Argentine Revolution” (1966-1973).

In this paper we discuss transatlantic strategies of developing a Brazilian national identity by Emperor Dom Pedro II through the exchange of letters with his ambassador in Liverpool, Baron of Rio Branco, at the time of the Universal Exhibition of 1889. The transatlantic flows contribute to shape a unique and creative Brazilian national identity as a space where dichotomies are mediated. The correspondence reveals the role of Dom Pedro II as a major agent of this cultural policy.

This paper addresses the issue of representations of victims as constructed by the public policies of memory and their uses through the case of the city of Medellín. It focuses on the analysis of the historical memory axis of the Municipal Program of Assistance to Victims of the Armed Conflict launched in 2006. In this context, local officials have designed and diffused a series of instruments to teach victims how to build a "historical memory" based on the specific violent events.The aim is to analyze in particular the actual act of “assimilation into a museum" of the figure of the victim. While the civil non-governmental affiliated museum Weaving Memories sketches a portrait of a militant victim who denounces the complicity of the state with the paramilitaries, the municipal Museum House of Memory builds a narrative around the concept of a universal victim, at the same time bruised and resistant, and prone to forgiveness. The study of the uses and appropriations of the municipal museum concludes that it can either be seen as a sounding board for the claims of victims and as a damper that tries, through the construction of a figure of the victim in which each visitor can recognize himself, to build an order peaceful in its appearances.

The emergence of cross-border and autochthonous territories affects the administration of national borders. Based on the Aymara case in Chile, this paper outlines that the government of national territory also finds continuity, if not a complement, in the legitimization of a local and cross-border political initiative. On the triple border between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, the mayors of fifty-seven localities gathered in an association called the “Strategic Alliance Aymaras without Borders” promote the elaboration of joint “development with identity” policies. The observation of the stage prior to this elaboration allows lighting up an effect of securitization of these borderlands, through the active involvement of local authorities in the control of cross-border flows and through the homologation of border policies in the three countries. The Chilean local authorities lead the project and take over most International Financial Institutions’ requisites. This contributes in the diffusion of norms of actions on political and territorial peripheries of Chile and beyond: in Peruvian and Bolivian border localities as well as at the national level of border administration of those states. The development of indigenous population in this cross-border context would thus entail, starting from the bottom a collaboration between rival states among which Chile confirms a leader position.

The main purpose of this paper is to develop a comparative study of the trips that the illusionist Onofroff made to the capital cities of Argentina and Mexico, in 1895 and 1900 respectively. During his successful trips through America, the illusionist stayed a long period of time in those two cities, and his presence caused different reactions from many participants of the cultural life. Physicians, spiritualists, writers and politicians coming from both contexts, felt attracted by the artist's shows of telepathy and hypnotism. In this article we try to show that the study of Onofroff's performances goes beyond the scope of the fin-de-siècle history of theater. By contrast, the analysis of his disturbing presence can work as a prism that perfectly reflects many areas of the cultural, scientific and ideological life of those cities. Through the description of several angles of the scientific cultures of the two cities, an explanation of the different responses aroused by Onofroff's shows will be outlined.

"Collective mentality" has placed hysteria from a gender perspective as a "pathological subject", showing a naturalize discourse -built from the margins of medicalization-, which has constitute gender, moral, psychological and biological models. In this paper, we analyze several cases published at the Revista Médica de Chile between 1873 and 1893, such as the case of Sebastian Leon and those of the clinic of Dr. Orrego Luco. We also analyze the famous case of Carmen Marín known as "la endemoniada de Santiago”. To access to a more comprehensive analysis we consider the text of the cutting board Argentine physician José Ingenieros “Hysterical Accidents” in order to determine the process of constitution of a female imaginary disease in the late nineteenth century. Finally we propose an approach to female identity formation in the field of racial and national discourses.

This paper analyzes the magazine El Ring (published in 1917) as a source to research the encouragement of the boxing in Santiago de Chile. I reflect on the documentary resourses to the study of the Sport in Chile. To do it, I consider the context, the sponsors, and the contents of its weekly articles.

During a fortnight in the month of July 1924, the German physician and anthropologist Robert Lehmann-Nitsche traveled to Napalpí´s Reduction in the National Territory of Chaco, with the aim of studying the myths and astronomical ideas of the Toba people. In this month one of the cruelest massacres of indigenous people in Argentina was perpetrated. Since the very first moment when the massacre gained visibility, mainly through the work of Edgardo Cordeu and Alejandra Siffredi (1971), historians and anthropologists have questioned whether Lehmann-Nitsche, who kept silent about the events, had witnessed them. This paper analyses unpublished sources and documents found at the Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut of Berlin, to demonstrate the anthropologist had full knowledge of the situation, providing strong evidence of his presence on the site and new elements to interpret the reasons for his silence.

This study presents some introductory aspects of psychiatric historiography, particularly in its encounter with the judicial system as an analytical space in which to explore insanity. It focuses on the possibilities of the civil justice, specifically on guardianship and interdiction and their archive. Considering these elements, this paper presents some pivotal questions that guided the doctoral research process, which were related with the meaning of insanity and its disciplinary context.

The aim of this paper is reviewing my doctoral trayectory troughout a methodological and analytical reading. My interest has been focused on the political and religious mediation forms that the Jesuit Company used between Rome and Chile, from 1568 to 1626. I propuse consider the bonds between the local develop and the global dimension, conecting with the recent historiography about Global History. I have attached special importance to the concept topography.

This paper traces the paths that led to some reflections on relations involving people and archaeological sites in Huachichocana (Tumbaya department, Jujuy, Argentina). They are part of a larger aim: to achieve an understanding of the local perspectives related to the ' past ' and ' history ' of the place, where relationships with sites are presented as a more other significant relationships that constitute memory and the local landscape. These relationships are defined mainly by the place occupied by families in the definition of spaces (houses, “puestos”, places ), their productive linkages in the context of annual mobility patterns , and the close relationship between them and other ' beings ' : hills , ponds , springs , ravines , mines, and , of course , archaeological sites. All these reflections lead us to consider as essential the relationships of “nurturing” (crianza), so common in the Andean symbolic languages, and also present in Huachichocana.

This paper addresses the need of a profound analysis about relation between the slaves and the protective laws and justice of the Viceroy and King, who should apply their paternalistic obligation. This kind of justice, which identified slaves as miserable, was more clearly manifest in Veracruz at the end of the 18th century. It should be noted that the Law of Partidas considered slaves as subject of the king before the Court; this allowed them go through the relationship of domination and justice of their masters in the Indies. For that reason, the runaway slaves appealed in the Mexican Court the protection of the Viceroy and the King as “fathers of minor”. Therefore, the protective system of justice wasn’t exclusive to Indians, but rather it formed part of the colonial juridical culture, to which was added the Code of 1789.

The main objective of this paper is to analyze how they are presented in Salta press, the actions carried out by the argentine diplomacy in connection with the armed conflict of the Chaco Boreal. This selects the historical period which is located between the years 1932-1935, time during which developed the war between Bolivia and Paraguay. It is part of the central question, already outlined by the Bolivian historiography and recent contributions of argentine researchers, where it is required that the theme of argentine diplomacy is questioned by the government and the bolivian citizenship at the time. Specifically with regard to the ineffectiveness of the argentine mediation that was passed as redefining the fighting in the disputed territory. But mostly from policies decisions that were conditioned by the economic interests of individuals and that made the Argentine government for the completion of the contest were tilted in favour of the Paraguay.

This article is a contribution to the history of a group of self-employed workers that produced 20 to 35% of Potosí’s silver in the 18th century. The paper begins remembering the contribution of historiography to the study of the k’ajchas. The analysis is centered then, in the property rights to the mines because these kajchas challenged the ownership of the ores, appearing as “thieves”. The ores exploited by them were transformed in silver in the trapiches or rudimentary mills. This is why the article focus in the ensemble k’ajcha-trapiche that meant the emergence of a quasi-parallel economy that burst into the scene with considerable energy. This is also an example on how workers struggled to have their part in the new economy. In the conclusions there are some thoughts about the problems when it comes to define them and the consequences of the k’ajchas/trapiches for a new unsderstanding of the labour system in Potosi.

This paper seeks to understand the modalities of the recovery of muralism, both in theoretical and practical terms, by the « grupos » (collectives of artists, theorists and activists working in Mexico in the 1970s) through two case studies : a mural painting produced in the aftermath of the 68’ by the Grupo 65, and an exhibition of muralism in 1978. This two objects of analysis, subsuming artworks, discourses and events, allow to observe in their diversity the appropriations by the grupos of muralism, between popular uses and marxist rereadings, but also to bring new elements for the understanding of the event of 1968.

This paper explains how the circulation of mural representations between Northern Ireland and the Basque Country is happening ; it examines their evolution in the transnational context of political and historical connections between both countries. The transnational connections that have been elaborated through mural paintings, and their analysis within a broader political context make it possible to explain their political functions. Such circulations contribute to the dynamics of political conflicts because they re-invent history and narratives of national identities in a transnational framework. The themes, symbols or images that have been staged in the murals travel in a transnational space, and nurture different contexts with converging references.

Between 2009 and 2010 there was an important process of struggles starring by Buenos Aires metro workers, in demand of independent union recognition. The workers, led by different activists linked to the left-classism tradition, confronted successfully the service concessionaire, the union that monopolized the representation of the sector, and the national government, which supported that union. In this paper, we examine the discourses deployed by each of these actors on the other, trying to unravel the strategies of representation in play. It seeks to assess how these strategies - which are part of a discursive - ideological struggle for a hegemonic version of reality - favored or not the other actions developed by the different actors, contributing the success or failure of its purposes. The analysis indicates that the actions led by classist union tradition in the subway were accompanied by a clever discursive strategy that sought to prove the illegality of the actions of other actors.

This paper explores in an introductory way the operations triggered from the concern regarding the past of Paraguay, mainly that recent past – Stroessner dictatorship –. Trauma and grief, documents and traces, and the manner in which they can or cannot be inscribed locally. From the question about the recent memory in Paraguay, we explore Fredi Casco’s artwork, playing whit the way art reads memory, develop memory. Also launchanother operation on the table: countermemory, a strategy the artist found in order to disarrange the narration of a past that that has not gone away.

This paper analyses the diffusion of Latin imaginaries in Far-eastern Asia during the 20th Century through popular music and dance. An important part of these imaginaries are associated with the crossed cultural dynamics characterizing the development of Nakasi, an extremely popular music genre from Japan and Taïwan. We will approach here the different aspects of creation, circulation and consuming of a certain global Far-Eastern Latinity particularly in Taiwan, considering the references of a planetary record market as the evolution of local identities, national cultural models and social mobilities.

This paper explores, from a transnational perspective, the relation between war of independence and the construction of citizenship in territories belonging to Peru, Bolivia and the Northwest of Argentina. The above-mentioned territories could be considered units of analysis due to their strong and ancient economics and socio-cultural bonds and for having being the scene of fifteen years of armed confrontations. Both war and militarization fragmented the territory politically and put their own stamp on the construction of new citizens in each country.

The very act of remembering was at the core of power dynamics in the suffrage movement, during the years of struggle and after the ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920. In the late 1930s, Carrie Chapman Catt, the former president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association and the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, decided to create her own “perfect library” on the woman suffrage movement, that she bequeathed to the Library of Congress in Washington. This paper explores the authoritative dimension of Catt’s endeavor and her effort to control the memory of the movement. Catt made it a personal affair: she obliterated historical accurateness to favor her vision, her agenda and her legacy. She saw herself as the sole custodian of suffragist remembrance.

This paper presents some considerations on the oral sources and oral history, crossed by the assumption that they are vaster areas those of methodology. With this perspective some problems are deployed around the experiences that the interview provides to oral historians, the relevance of the hermeneutic approach to assess the text that produces the interview, the pertinence of qualitative methodologies for addressing memoirs and the stories they originate.

What do we know about the masonic organizations and networks in the world? How did they grow from 250000 members by 1789 to 2 millions in 1914 and 3 to 8 millions nowadays? How, when and where did they spread? This paper aims to provide concrete answers from statistical and comparative views, with a focus on the Americas, in the long eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

In this paper we analyze two corpuses of photographs that document forms of violence experienced by the Indigenous Peoples of Tierra del Fuego and Pampa-Patagonia in the context of the advancing presence of Western agents (voyagers, militaries, missionaries, ethnographers) in their territories, between 1880 and 1950. We have identified a sample of 112 photos which show these situations (out of a corpus of 1865 photographs of Tierra del Fuego-Patagonia); these are analyzed using two complementary concepts:• photographed violence: photos which document violent situations; • violent photographs: photos in which the very act of taking a picture has been coercive, implying a praxis of body control over the photographed subject, against his/her will.Results show that there are scarce images of photographed violence, which document aggressions of Westerners against Indigenous Peoples, but not vice versa. Regarding violent photographs, the Pampa-Patagonian Indigenous Peoples have been represented as violent “savages” or as dominated “civilized” peoples, while the Fueguian Indigenous Peoples have been represented as the “transcultured otherness” (as religious propaganda), or as the “exotic otherness” (as subjects of scientific study). These trends contrast with those observed in the global corpus of photographs, which record numerous non-violent situations in which the cultural variability generated by the Indigenous' agency can be appreciated.

Through the study of Asuntos Políticos fund of Cuba National Archives, this paper approaches the construction of social categories, in order to deal with various historical phenomena whose expression has always been focused from categories such as marginality and criminality. We study the characteristics of the whole archival documents, and discuss some files with the purpose of reflecting on the strong presence of military authority in the administration of justice and the political manipulation of social categories during the nineteenth century.

This paper explores the suicide of a group of foreigners in the city of Santiago de Chile by the first decades of the twentieth century. The study presents a statistical analysis of the period and a micro-historical description of fourteen cases, in order to illustrate the development of the events from the court records perspective. Although the study shows that being an immigrant could intensify the "problems of life", it also opens several questions on suicidal practices as another expression of the complexities of human behaviour.

This paper develops an approach to intelligence in the context of the theory of degeneration and eugenics in Chile. The degenerationists ideas of physicians Luis Vergara, Florentino Caro and Augusto Orrego Luco, which circulated in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century are analyzed. The weight of inherited culture paradigm is discussed in some publicitary messages that circulated in the 1920s. Regarding the establishment of psychology as a scientific discipline, the introduction into the country of the Stanford Binet IQ test by Luis Alberto Tirapegui in 1925 are discussed. The idea of intelligence in described eugenics terms is discussed from works of Dr. Carlos Mönckeberg and Carlos Edwards Bello and the phisicians Juvenal Barrientos and Edgardo Schirmer, among others concerned about the relationship between intelligence and eugenics. The central proposal of this work is that the consideration of intelligence and mental fitness was essential in the development of eugenics in Chile and that there is a continuity between the theory of degeneration, eugenics and, ultimately, the development of psychology as a scientific discipline.

This paper is concerned with the Callahuaya herbalists and the denomination practice of the plants used by them; the latter will be approached from an etymological angle. Two questions are important for this:(i) Are the professional contacts of the herbalists reflected in the Callahuaya lexicon?(ii) Can we say something on the nature of these contacts?Three parameters have been considered for the etymological research and the successive investigation of the Callahuayas’ contacts:(i) etymology itself, comparing the Callahuaya denomination with Quechua, Aymara, and Spanish;(ii) the altitude;(iii) the origin of the species (native vs. non-native).The results show that the Callahuaya herbalists collected the majority of the plants not in their home area, the high altitudes of Bolivia, but below that, in an altitude between 800 and 3,500 metres, with a clear focus on the altitude level between 800 and 2,800 metres. Furthermore, there is evidence that the Callahuayas travelled to the lowlands, located between 0 and 800 metres of altitude. These findings confirm that there have been regular contacts between the home area of the Callahuayas and the lowland regions, in which the herbalists had a professional interest.

This paper studies the artistic promotion of the Paraguayan field through the management of the Brazilian Cultural Mission during the 50s. This research concerns on three main aspects : the exhibitions of Brazilian art shown in Asunción ; the Paraguayan representations at the São Paulo´s Biennials and Lívio Abramo´s activity as a key figure to the Brazilian cultural promotion in Paraguay.

The aim of this paper is to study, through the comment of the primary sources collected within the various archives around the world, some cases of native women who marked the process of conquest in Paraguay between 1537 and 1580. We will analyze the role of the amerindians in this young colony and we will deal, with more particularly in the representation of the women in the testimonies, with letters of spanish sent to the Council of the Indies. This study will handle the first function of the native women in the survival of the conquistadors in this province.

This paper considers the problem of sharing archaeological pieces of the NOA region, special goods, during the historical period between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. At that time, the rise in the explorations of that particular region called "calchaquí " was directly determined by the processes of formation of the collections - national and international -, together with the consolidation of archeology as a discipline, causing deep impacts in the territory. While sharing these special goods assumed various forms during these processes, as the involvement of multiple actors and different practices, we will focus in two aspects. First, the sale of parts in a small scale, with the intervention of commercial exchange money and second, the movement of this objects as gifts or donations. We will relate both modalities with the specific forms of social relations and positions between the participants and how they impact in the value of the objects.

Historians of Andean archeology have long overlooked conversations between Peruvian and European or North American scholars – transatlantic relations in late-nineteenth century Americanist archaeology. They have focused on individuals or groups on either side of the Atlantic, or, if they have narrated encounters, on the alleged inequalities and unevenness inherent in the relationship between scholars. Based on the collection of the Lima antiquary José Mariano Macedo (1823-1894), his manuscripts and correspondence with antiquities collectors, antiquaries and archaeologists in Europe and the United States, this paper occasions a revaluation. It employs a biographical and micro-scale analysis to uncover how scholars from Lima, Berlin or New York spoke to each other about Peru’s pre-Columbian past across the Americas and the Atlantic as equals and how Americanist archaeology materialized right in in the middle, in the conversations that took place in between.

It is obvious that maize occupies a pivotal place in Mesoamerican ritual food and its role as an ontological reference for the ‘humanity of maize’ is well known. In this paper I focus more precisely on the role of maize in relation to the human body and the earth including the spirits of the underworld. I do so from the contrasting views that the Totonac have regarding their varieties of local maize on one hand and genetically modified maize on the other.The analysis of ethnographic data from the Sierra de Puebla presented here is based both on the discursive constructions regarding local maize and on the observation of offerings of ritual food in which the consumption of local maize plays an important role. By contrast, the reception and interpretation by the Totonac of the environmentalist movements’ discourses against genetically modified maize helps our understanding of what is really at stake when ‘real’ (local) maize is eaten. This case study shows how, literally, ‘we are what we eat’ and opens a reflection on the links between ethnic identity and ontological otherness which are at stake in ritual food.

In September of 1854, Justo José de Urquiza started to establish the judiciary through a decree that specified the requirements and ways to enable “lawyers of Confederation” in Argentina. We recreate the legislative debates on the decree/law, that show the terms of the recognition of lawyers as “suitable” persons to exercise judicial positions during this period of conformation of the federal justice. Those debates and the principal aspects in which that “suitability” was based, allow us to propose a new reading of the decree/law and its significance in the legal and political context of those years. The paper suggests ideas that reflects public functions in a broad sense, and specifically discusses the formation of the national judiciary as a result of political decisions. We highlight the requirements of knowledge, the networks of relationships and political loyalties and the public careers of the actors. In general terms, we related the theme with the redefinition of political-institutional relations between provincial and national authorities as well as among judiciary and the executive and legislative powers.

This paper presents and discusses a conceptual perspective on the relationship between documentary photography and testimonial literature. The conceptual perspective focuses on the performative aspect of language, in the case of testimonial literature (speech act), and raises the possibility of understanding documentary photographic images from this same performative aspect, as an image act. This theoretical procedure involves a philosophical assessment of our concepts of justice and of the foundations for an analysis of the representation of political violence, in images and words. From this literary and photographic plane, it is possible to bring forth another justice and another study of images of guerrilla armed conflicts in Central America.

After the liberation of France and the restoration of republican legality, the French Empire had to be organized. It was during this period of transformation that the right to vote was granted to women on April 21st, 1944. The 1945 elections were a major issue because the colonial representatives to the constituent assembly would influence the fate of the French West-Indian territories. Although the female vote seemed secondary in this context, it could significantly tip the balance in favor of the party that supported or not the French policies of assimilation.The first part of this paper aims to analyze the preparation and significance of women’s participation in the 1945 elections in the French Antilles. The second part examines women’s standpoints about women’s vote and their view on départementalisation, by focusing on three women: two deputies from Guadeloupe: Eugénie Eboué-Tell and Gerty Archimède and an intellectual woman from Martinique: Paulette Nardal. Was women’s vote decisive for the transformation of the colonies into overseas départements?

This paper highlights the ambiguities of the role and place of women in North American society at the end of the 18th century, through the correspondence of Abigail Adams, wife of the second President of the United States of America. The British colonies of North America experienced rapid social and political change in the decades leading to the American Revolution. Among other things, one notes the influence of the rhetoric of Enlightenment thinkers on individual rights and, as regards American women, the spread of new ideas underlining the importance of women’s contribution to civic and republican virtues (later dubbed Republican Motherhood by historians). But, in spite of rare exceptions, this period did not result in major policy innovations for women. Their social and legal status in the British colonies of North America remained very limited partly because of the doctrine of “coverture”. Despite these social and legal constraints, very few women expressed political ideas publicly, anonymously or not, or privately. This is the case, for example, of Abigail Adams’s voluminous correspondence with her family and friends. In these letters, not only did she express political ideas, but some of them, like women’s rights, were ahead of her time.

The memories of men and women present interesting aspects for reflecting on the dictatorship period and, in this paper, we intend to introduce some aspects of the “gendered” uses of memory in the Dictatorships of Brazil (1964-1985) and Paraguay (1954-1989), by means of a compared history. Our intention here is to observe how the various feminist groups were formed, how they operated, their relations with the military dictatorships and the resistance movements, and their processes for establishing identification and difference, among other themes. In the documentation on the dictatorships of these two countries, it is possible to observe how the marks of gender, apart from appearing in the narratives of different interviewees, were also used in discourses related to the resistance movements. This documentation awakens an interest in questioning how these sources (mainly, the documentation housed in Archives and Museums, and interviews carried out through the methodology of oral history) may, in different manners, contribute to a reflection in the field of memory and in gender studies.

In ethnography, what you see is not always what it is. This is the case of a tamale that is prepared for the summer solstice celebration called hikuli neixa (peyote dance). At one point during the ritual, in a very sui generis way, women prepare a big tamale that represents, at the same time, the fetus of a deer. In this paper I propose an ethnographic description of the manufacturing of this tamale that operates according to an inversion of significance. Through the way of preparing the tamale, the way of eating it, the people who eat it, and the place where it is eaten, the Huichol Indians propose a theory of food that is related to other human processes. I start from the following hypothesis: through the changing roles of certain ritual foods, the Huichol propose not only a theory of food, but also a theory of sexuality, procreation, and fertility.

This paper seeks to show how the changing paradigm of birth, which occurred at the end of the eighteenth century, contributed to the appearance and development of a new profession, that of the professional midwife. The birth of this profession occurred in a state-building context. Haunted by the fear of depopulation, the Peruvian Enlightenment elite put an end to the practices of traditional birth attendants and provided better support to women in childbirth. In 1826, a Maternité in the Parisian model was created; it combined a birth clinic and a school of midwifery. The professional midwifes, who worked with upper class women as well as in the remote areas of the country acquired a special status which widened and sometimes questioned the traditional female sphere of action. They were the first women to make their entrance in the university, to work in hospitals and as independent midwives, and to testify in criminal courts. Although they were not organized in corporations, skilled Peruvian midwives gradually managed to step into the public sphere through unexpected venues which increased their agency.

In recent years has emerged and important set of studies tending to explore the authoritarian processes in the period 1960-1970 in the Southern Cone. In that wide map of researches and prospects we seek to address a further dimension, certainly unknown about Paraguay: spaces and forms of political socialization during the Stroessner regime. In order to do so, we will analyze the troublesome 1970s, from the legitimacy adopted by social sciences in an area of high level of politicization as it was the Catholic University “Nuestra Señora de la Asunción” The paper is in line with the perspective of historical sociology. Adopts for the study documents of the career of Sociology, declassified archives selected from the Policy Directorate and Related of the Research Department of stronist police and, primarily, interviews conducted with the main actors of the period, that is, to the students of sociology

Las razones para la impugnación creciente de las prácticas ciudadanas armadas durante el último tercio del siglo XIX fueron, en Argentina como en el resto de los países latinoamericanos, de naturaleza variada. Se conectaron con la consolidación de los estados nacionales y la profesionalización de sus fuerzas armadas, pero estuvieron relacionadas, también, con el triunfo de una forma de entender las nuevas realidades republicanas y el balance necesario dentro de ellas entre el poder de los gobiernos y las libertades de los ciudadanos. Este último punto constituye la preocupación central de este trabajo, que tiene como objetivo explorar los diversos usos y valoraciones de la acción “revolucionaria” en el discurso de las dirigencias de la provincia de Córdoba durante los años finales de la década de 1870, en un contexto donde parte no menor de los debates locales y nacionales estaban marcados por la preocupación de cómo procesar la oposición y el conflicto político de manera pacífica.There were many reasons for the increasing contestation of armed confrontation in the last third of the 19th century, both in Argentina and the rest of the Latin American countries. They included the consolidation of the nation state and the professionalization of the armed forces, but also the emergence of a way of understanding the realities of the new republican system and the necessary balance between governmental power and the freedom of the citizens. This last issue is the main concern of this paper, which aims to explore Córdoba’s political leaderships’ assessment of revolutionary action in the late 1870s, in a context of local and national debates about how to process opposition and political conflict peacefully.

The purpose of this essay is twofold. On the one hand, it presents the results of a brief survey on the field of the so-called “global studies” aimed at providing a basic typology that allows distinguishing among the different “branches” of this new historiographical genre. Among them are globalization studies, transnational topics and global history. Neither the search nor the classification are exhaustive and their purpose is rather to minimally clarify the field of global studies in order to minimize the confusion created by the indistinct use of these terms in the current literature. On the other hand, the paper identifies one of the origins of global history studies in one of the most fruitful traditions in 20th century’s historiography, initiated by Fernand Braudel and Immanuel Wallerstein.

The aim of this paper is to characterize the royal power in Portugal through the analysis of cartas de doação and forais of the captaincy of São Tomé, issued between 1485 and 1493. Throughout this study, we will highligth the controversial character of the formulas and political-legal doctrines of the age and the active perspective of royal action, which sought to establish the supremacy of his authority, defined also by their public dimension and the coercitive faculty and exception of its power. Legal frameworks and experiences of conquest and colonization of the Atlantic islands reafirmed the relations of competition and complementarity between the kingdoms of Portugal, Castile and Aragon and influenced the politics of alliance of the Iberian crowns in the passage of the fifteenth century to the sixteenth.

This paper aims to discuss the most wide spread notions regarding globalization processes in Latin American economies, which set them at the early or mid-19th century, in the means of establishing a different, longer chronology. A manifold of earlier literature on the subject, little taken into account by recent studies, is here given back its due merits. At the same time, the effects of changes in the ways of integrating into world economy from the early 19th century are here addressed in detail, particularly as concerns interregional inequality in Latin America.

Among the organizations that took part in the defence of the Western bloc during the Cold War, the Congress for Cultural Freedom stands out through its large and relevant action. Established in over 35 countries and on all five continents, the CCF set freedom and freedom of creation and research as its raison d’être thus producing a wide range of works and analyses from a pro-American perspective, consistent with the Western values it held as its own. Bearing in mind such a broader picture, this paper will focus on the Latin-American area in order to single out the distinctive features and circumstances which account for the network’s specific action in the subcontinent. Beyond the inevitable mention of the its CIA’s funding we will endeavour to assess the intellectual CCF’s works in Latin America as well as this particular segment of anticommunism it embodied between 1953 and 1973.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the main argumentative cores of the debate between the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR) and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores-Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (PRT-ERP), two armed groups that operated in Argentina in the 1970s. The discussion took place between April and November 1971, and its trigger was the publication of an extensive interview to the FAR in the review Cristianismo y Revolución. This interview was answered by a document issued by a group of prisoners held in ERP Jail Accused of Cordoba, which had in turn in reply a letter from the leader of the FAR Carlos Olmedo, the "Contributions to the process of confrontation positions and public controversy boarded with ERP ". While we consider this duel discourse as one of the highest points of political exchange, ideological and cultural guerrillas into Argentina, we want to avoid the cliches of the debate between left and Peronism. We prefer instead to analyze the internal logic of each argument from a critical perspective, without falling into the apology or censorship of political-military organizations. In this article we will promptly investigate the role attributed to the three discussion documents Marxism, ideology and experience. We want to study the meaning of these categories from the point of view of historical actors, as well as track where ideological and discursive constellation are located, to practice and readings are sent.

From an anthropological and historical perspective, in this paper we aim to focus on the issue of land communal possession in Amaicha del Valle (Tucumán, Argentina) and the role played by a variety native authority figures. Specifically, we are using the trips that these authority figures have made to various locations and at various points in time while acting as representatives of their Community's collective desire to “secure the land”. Thus, the general intention of this work is to rethink the experience of travel as a part of the repertoire of strategies that constitute the socio-ethnic reproduction of the Community. To this end, inspired by the regressive history methodology, we will analyse the trips taken by four leaders in a series of different historical and political contexts: the 2000s, 1990s, 1870s and 1800s.

Using an historiography about the concept of water sharing, this paper proposes and analyzes a legal classification of the waters in Minas Gerais (Brazil) during the eighteenth century. Within the mining context, it mainly deals with the legal statutes of waters which were used by minors, that being: “common waters” and “auriferous waters”. The end of the seventeenth century until 1736 marks the period between the first discoveries of alluvial gold and the ultimate reform of auriferous waters sharing. The fundamental stages of water capitalization are stressed at the local scale with the auriferous lands sharing and the taxation systems. Within the recently conquered mining territory of Brazil, the Portuguese Crown had to face two major impediments: the rise of powerful minors and institutional disorder. On the one hand, the powerful minors had represented the water managers class, who had escaped from a centralized administrative control. On the other hand, the constant institutional disorder had caused an increase in wealth for the water masters as well as the misappropriation of gold. Moreover, the regulation of water sharing remained unclear and the breach of power by local authorities was rampant. Therefore, the home country was forced to enact mining legislation and reforms to the local politico-administrative framework, promoting specialized jurisdictions and introducing a multiplicity of peripheral powers.In this way, the issue of water management was spatial, due to the common law of water appropriation, and economic, in relation with the taxation of gold production. Consequently, this specific context of water policy led to important institutional changes within the “fair government” of the colony.