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In order to carry out a more rigorous analysis of the complex situation of the labor movement in the post-dictatorial period, whose political orientation was unable to achieve its more important programmatic demands, this paper discusses some theoretical and historical interpretations about the politicization potential of workers as a class and as a social actor, arriving at a concept that emphasizes the domains of politicization within and outside the workplaces, and the levels of politicization according to the willingness to engage in a dispute over the control of the work process as a social relation, both individual and global.

Considering the theoretical and historical discussion about the politicization potential of the workers' movement, and the analysis of the most relevant political orientations that can be inferred about the labor movement in the post-dictatorial period, this paper addresses the specific nature of the emergence of new trends in labor conflictivity in terms of its domain and level of politicization. From there, we examine the concept of new unionism, coined by some authors, arriving at a definition of traditional unionism and the objective character of the new sectors of workers that express the labor revitalization in the context of mature neoliberalism.

This paper looks into the ways in which the Movimiento Al Socialismo (MAS) rebuilt the historical memory during local ‘independence’ bicentennials in Bolivia. This is carried out by revisiting commemoration practices and speeches deployed by the so-called “Cultural and Democratic Revolution” during the country’s celebrations which took place on May 25, 2009 in El Villar (bicentennial of the “Revolution of Chuquisaca”) and on July 16, 2009 in La Paz (bicentennial of the Junta Tuitiva revolutionary government). The need to unify and democratize a territory suffering from economic, social, regional and ethnic flecking and fragmentation in order to turn it into a strong, articulated Nation implied – for MAS – a dispute for the senses and representations of Bolivianity with the dominant sectors of society. In this respect, describing the ways in which the national past was refreshed as well as the controversies and ambiguities arising from this action during the ‘independence’ bicentennials provide us with the entry point to the analysis of the political identity of the MAS and their national project.

This paper analyzes the role played by the Cruzada Mundial de la Amistad (CMA) in the projection of a new international image of Paraguay from its integration into the international institutions and networks. Its founding purpose focused on claim "the value and emboss of friendship", promoting the culture of peace during the Cold War and under the Stroessner's government (1954-1989). The organization's discourses and practices had a double purpose: get over the landlocked situation of Paraguay and give it an anti-communist ideology.The work is part of the right-wing's cultural and ideological paradigms during the Cold War in Latin America and explores the practices of local actors in its international dimension. The research is based on empirical material such as the documents of the organization, CMA's official magazine and local press.

Our investigation focuses on the dissemination of the Revolutionary War Doctrine (counter-insurgency) elaborated by French officials during the decade of the 50 and its diffusion through very popular novels as those of Jean Lartéguy from the beginning of the 60s. This approach allows to consider that military doctrine in its most relevant aspect that is "win hearts and minds" of the populations. The paper, based on the hypothesis of a very notable influence of the novels on several generations of Argentine military personnel, is more specifically interested in the reception in Argentina by a litter of soldiers identified in the 80 as the carapintadas, trying to investigate part of their political imaginary through these novels, showing the obvious parallels between some of his actions and the work of Lartéguy.

In the 1950’s and 1960’s innovative anticommunist international dispositives of catholic roots spread. This paper explores the religious, ideological and organizational bases of two of those endeavors – the lay nuclei Catholic City (CC) and the Societies of Defense of Tradition, Family, and Property (TFP) – which operated in Argentina and Brazil (the last one of them being only in the last mentioned country). To accomplish this, this contribution reviews the career paths of their founding fathers and retraces the main of works of each one of them: For Who He Reigns by Jean Ousset, creator of CC and Revolution and Counter Revolution by Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, creator of the TFP societies.Both Organizations spread within the horizon of the Cold War and the impact of the 2nd Vatican Council, as well as within the dilemmas of each country, generating diverse appropriations, nets of relations and differentiated impacts. Indeed, even when both came from a similar religious and ideological horizon – based on a self-defined Catholicism as traditionalism and a counterrevolutionary action proposal – they distinguished from each other by the kind of organizations and strategies that they unfolded, as well as by the echo or resonance that they had in society.Jean Ousset, Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, Counterrevolution, Catholic City, Tradition, Family and Property

Relying upon the outcomes of two empirical studies, the aim of this paper is to discuss the ambivalent character of the relationship from individuals to the effects of neoliberalism as economic and social model in the case of Chile. On the one hand, it will be discussed a set of criticisms embodied in six subject ideals impelled by this model based upon which individuals take moral distance from the model. On the other hand, it will be underscored and analyzed a set of reasons for the attachment to the transformations these processes have brought. It is suggested that these contradictory strands define Chilean society today. This coexistence allows understanding that a compact defense of the model appears as inacceptable for most of the population but that, simultaneously, deep transformations might also be resisted.

Regarding transformations of alcalde de barrio, this article focuses on Mexico City’s urban police during the first decades after its Independence. Its main aim is to show the fragmentation from a holist police to a specialized one. Thus, public order, security, health and ornamentation matters became in administrative and security specialized agents lacked from judicial attributes. In other words, this paper shows the transition from “neighbors” police agents to “uniformed” policemen attending rhythms, contingencies and particularities of that process. Among other contradictions, it remarks the coexistence of agents alike to alcaldes de barrio with hierarchized, waged and permanent forces. With military features, these institutions gradually displaced the Ancien Régime police system. However, such discontinuities did not modify the local scale of police power. Mainly, they brought transformations in the conception of urban police, fragmenting in a myriad of officials its original components. Thus, judicial attributes were abolished by asserting the functions related to urban order and public security.

This paper is an extract of the third chapter of a doctoral thesis in political science, which ambition was to bring to light the institutional transformations that derive in Latin America from the implementation of digital inclusion policies. These social and educational programs have taken inspiration from the project of the One Laptop Per Child foundation and they have been instituted in some South-American countries during the last decade. Our main hypothesis is that their successful implementation has been triggered by the capacity of public authorities to innovate in the field of administrative management. Our third chapter deals with context and actors of policy decision. Using the concept of “policy window”, our goal was to demonstrate that the moment of decision doesn’t determine the success o failure of public policies on the point of being implemented. We have analyzed and compared 4 cases: the electoral ascension of Kirchner in Argentina, García in Peru, Lugo in Paraguay and Vázquez in Uruguay. However, in this excerpt, we just present the latter two cases, in so far as they refer to an historic right-left alternation of political parties in power.

In this paper we analyze the development of the social sciences during the last dictatorship, through the study of the magazine called Sociológica. Revista Argentina de Ciencias Sociales, published with subsidies from CONICET, whose first issue came out in 1978 and the last in 1984. It was led by the sociologist Roberto José Brie, who was a member of CONICET's advisory committees, a member of the Directorio in 1981 and director of an Institute of social science (ICIS). Throughout these pages, we will present the professional profile of Brie and its links with the Catholic right and anti-Communist circles; We will describe the CONICET institutes belonging to the area of social and human sciences and cases of corruption that wrapped Brie; We will mention what were the different sections of the magazine: articles, reviews and bibliographical notes, and other magazines. We will then summarize the content of 160 research projects selected Brie as part of an investigation compared internationally funded by Unesco. Finally, we briefly consider what were the principal investigators, subjects and independent academic centers that continued to develop research in the area of social sciences and who were out of Sociológica.

Drawing from local records of material vestiges of the past, understood here in the broad sense of objects and traces of different presences including those of nonhumans, this paper addresses how indigenous and riverside populations in Brazil and Argentina communicate their relations with the territory to the cultural heritage authorities. The vestiges, which draw attention to specific landscapes, play an active role in legitimating identities and articulating territorial claims. Furthermore, some of them are used by local actors to provide evidence of the presence of nonhuman entities whose interactions with humans establish links with previous generations

In a world in which patrimonialization efforts have become global and omnipresent, the Yanesha of Peruvian Amazonia have remained strangely unaffected by this powerful trend. Through an analysis of the historical trajectories of three ancient landmarks, this paper aims at understanding why Yanesha people have opted to relegate to oblivion certain elements of their cultural heritage, as well as why they have been so reticent in the face of past attempts at patrimonialization. I argue that Yanesha reluctance to the mise en patrimoine of some of these sites is associated to the notions of a’tsepeñets, failure in the completion of ritual undertakings leading to defilement, and a’mchecheñets, the desoulment or loss of the power/vitality contained in ritual objects, places, and specialists as a consequence of defilement. Any patrimonialization effort in relation to failed/defiled sites is thus perceived as a ‘zombification’ of cultural heritage, that is, a futile attempt to bestow a semblance of life to something long dead and deprived of mystical power. I propose that Western proclivity and Yanesha reticence towards patrimonialization express not only contrasting regimes of historicity but, above all, opposite cultural strategies for the building of collective identities – one based on an ‘omnivorous memory,’ the other on ‘selective amnesia.’ A greater openness to patrimonialization ventures in recent years could be a sign, however, of an impending shift in Yanesha modes of conceiving and dealing with the past.

Mestizaje, or inter-racial unions, between indigenous and Spanish nobility during colonial New Spain, allowed descendants to employ both ethnicities as they saw fit. In eighteenth century documents, for example, these individuals claimed to be Spanish but recognized and documented their indigenous ancestry to legitimize their possessions : they are the so-called Spanish grandchildren of Indians. In this paper, we analyze the case of Eugenio Martínez de Alpízar, descendant of Don Juan Bautista Valerio de la Cruz, Cacique, or chief, conqueror of the 16th century, who during an inheritance trial "clearly asserted his Spanish quality".In this work, we approximate the ethnicity of the Martínez de Alpízar : first, we observe the ethnic composition and the pattern that followed in terms of ethnicity. In the case of Eugenio, it is observed that the “biological ethnicity” was not at odds with the sociocultural, which allowed him to defend his rights as an Indian. To carry out the study we consulted archival documents and we base the study on the genealogy which was developed during that process.

Despite the limited information regarding the curacas of the lipes during early Colonia, two stereotypes are clearly illustrated : 1) the indigenous authorities and their misrule, and 2) the lipes as disrespected indians which are necessary to place order, police and tribute with some urgency. From this perspective, this paper deep into the indigenous authorities figure from allowing some specific examples, while analyse the issue of colonial classifications, ethnic interdigitation, and negotiation of identities in Lipes (southern border of Charcas) during XVI-XVII centuries.

In this paper we study the value of words of some subaltern subjects – aborigine women – in a set of judicial court records which took place in the Córdoba of Tucumán Jurisdiction since its foundation (year 1573) to 1620. We understand that this large corpus allows us to explore the different voices that coexist in the documents. Among them, we stress a voice that seems to occupy a peripheral place: female witnesses and a unique confession of an aborigine who is accused of attempting to kill her mistress. The analysis is based on a discursive approach, taking into account the historical and juridical context of the period. We assume that in all cases female voices exist as strategic interventions in situations where the mobility and encounter of subjectivities are construed on the basis of the conflict and social tension.

The study of commercial networks between Venezuela and the ports of Europe and the United States is the central objective of this paper. For this purpose it is necessary to analyze the leading role played by commercial houses in terms of the articulation of trade flows and its connection with foreign markets and within regional areas. The research involves the study of the activities carried out by the German commercial firms, which not only control the traffic with Hamburg and Bremen but also with Liverpool, and even at the end of the century, expand their networks to ports located in the United States. In this context, Maracaibo became the biggest exporter of coffee in Venezuela. Puerto Cabello, which has a large hinterland that unfolds to the west-center and the plains region, remained in a second place, while La Guaira, who had held the lead in exports since colonial times, is displaced to a third position, even if it remains the foremost importer port in the country thanks to its proximity to Caracas, the capital of the Republic.

The emerging field of Critical Epistemologies, basically sustained by the strands of decolonial thought, has formulated as a liberationary project the dialogue between different gnoseological traditions, that have as main characters – in the case of Latin America – the indigenous voices and senses. Neverthless, these research proposals, solid and powerful in theoretical terms, has recently reclaimed a thorough revision of its methodological achievements, in pursuit of guaranteeing – initially – the representational strategies – by which it would be possible to effectively carry them out. Thus, from different areas of inquiry, the "performance" has been proposed as an alternative construction able to subvert those criticized semio-epistemological patterns. However, and as it is argued in this paper, there is a limitation in the sense (inevitably anthropocentric) of this notion, which can be transcended by recovering elements, from another time, which proposes non-representational knowledge, expressed in the scenic web of life.

The following paper aims the understanding of seaports’ position within global networks, through the observation of a mercantile company business in the second half of the 16th century. Settled in Medina del Campo, and with a family branch in Nantes, Simón Ruiz’s company developed an outstanding trade and finance activity within the three main economic spaces in the Early Modern Age : the Mediterranean, the Atlantic and the Indic.The analysis and visualization of the places where the company developed its business composes a “space-movement”, on which we assessed hierarchies, functions and relations. One of the most relevant relations, that presented most internodal complementarity within Europe, was the one linking the financial spaces and the mercantile spaces, in which seaports performed as the epicenter.The variety and extent of the company activities’, whether concerning a business (trade, credit, speculation) or geographic scope (including the main European centers and the colonial areas connected through a seaport network), enhanced a global insight about the economical spaces connection, and how seaports performed as the sustaining base of these network dynamics.

Container shipping has constituted a revolution in trade on a planetary scale. Ports have had to change their infrastructures in order to incorporate the requisite technology, which has modified the historical trade networks around the World. The port of Las Palmas (Canary Islands) adapted its infrastructures and its institutional environment in order to develop the container activity that was added to its historical functions as scale port. The main aim of this paper is to explore the changes in port labour organization through the progressive implementation of container activities in Las Palmas. Port activity indicators, regulation, port infrastructures and labour relationships will be analysed with a view to presenting an overall perspective of the changes that have taken place in dock labour since the 1960s.

In the 17th and 18th century, the further expansion of the large transoceanic trades induces a serious evolution in the French ports hierarchy and a clustering phenomenon in favour of a few major trading organisations. In the last century of the “Ancien Regime”, Nantes, in the same way as Bordeaux, Marseille or Le Havre-Rouen, most certainly belongs to this category of major trading ports of the kingdom. Whilst affirming their international trading status, they exercise a constant supervision over the smaller ports situated in their immediate environment leading to the construction of true “shipping and seaport areas”.This paper aims to introduce the concept of seaport area, proposed by Gérard Le Bouëdec, and developed as part of my doctoral thesis from Nantes cases; a comparative approach will then be conducted with other major French ports, in order to validate the relevance of the concept; the approach must finally lead to a typology of "seaport areas".

The city of Rosario is located in the center of one of the most important port complexes from the Southern Cone -on the Paraná River- and one of the regions with greater export capacity cereals. The ability of interaction and organization of their economic, social and cultural networks would have compensated, in part, the political dependence that subjected Rosario to the other two port cities competing with it for the same area of influence: Buenos Aires (capital of the country) and Santa Fe (capital of the province that integrates Rosario). This paper analyzes the influence of the Port City of Rosario in the formulation of policies of state modernization and regional development, with special reference to the position of the elite against the political and economic changes that occurred since wars and global economic crisis and the attachment to a historical political speech of "having to be a Port City".

French structuralism embodies an important theoretical code in the Argentinean ’60s and early ‘70s. Although it mainly circulated outside university, in this paper we intend to explore an early attempt at academic reception operated by Eliseo Verón through the pages of the review he published, Cuestiones de Filosofía, and also in the important courses he gave, for example Sociología Sistemática. We will ty to depict this attempt as an answer to the peculiar context of discussions regarding to the practice of social sciences in Argentina, particularly in the Department of Sociology.

Studies about traditional woven waist belts, or chumpi in quechua, have not yet considered their large and ample distribution across the Peruvian territory, nor their diversity and rich contemporary expression. The purpose of this study is to bring attention to the existence of other textile traditions in Peru besides the well-known productions of the Andean south. These traditions demonstrate the possibility of the coexistence between traditional values and modernity. We observe the addition of new designs or personalized variations in the decoration of the waist belts, as well as the ways in which historical and cultural facts from the popular memory are incorporated in the materiality of the textiles as well as in their symbolic representations.The multiple design variations in cherished woven belts kept by weaver families, examined during our field work, lead us to consider not only the structural aspects of these textiles but also their day to day reality from a social, historical and cultural perspective. This paper explains the existence of the Mantaro woven belt in the daily life of rural and urban populations as an ever-present element in the costumes worn in the performative events of the wanka modern identity.

The Nasca area is the place of origin of innumerable archaeological examples that show the level of technical skill achieved by Prehispanic weavers. Although we now know much about the techniques involved in the manufacture of these items, however little is known about the way their production was organized. If our knowledge of the production of fine textiles is limited, we know next to nothing about the production and distribution of common utilitarian textiles, and the role they played in the domestic economies of these people. This paper aims to contribute with information on domestic textile production for the Late Prehispanic occupation of the Nasca region (1100-1470 AD/1470-1532 AD). Based on materials derived from archaeological excavations at Huayuri, a Late Prehispanic settlement located in the northern part of the Rio Grande de Nazca Drainage (Ica, Peru), an attempt is made to reconstruct the chain of textile production associated to three residential units. The aim is to understand what was produced on site and the role of individual households in the overall production.

The topic of the matriculated Cadiz settlers and of those who went to Hispanic America has long been object of study, but there are still open questions as to their destination. This paper focuses on the Cargadores a Indias who arrived in the River Plate by using the connection between the southern ports of Spain and the ports of America. The arrangements of the settlers – or of those who stayed only for a period – have strict relationships, from the point of view of their kinship and their social and economic frameworks, in both continents. This study also shows a direct participation of the Third Order of Saint Francis in the extended Buenos Aires city, and in the River Plate territory.

At the 1969 African Studies Association meeting in Montreal, a group of Black intellectuals, challenged the « neocolonial functioning » of the organization and pressed for greater Black representation within its leadership. The conflict gave rise to the African Heritage Studies Association, which, under the leadership of John Henrik Clarke, organized meetings as well as transnational networks of Black studies scholars. For many contemporary historians, the 1969 founding of AHSA represents the first manifesto of « Afrocentrism » within North American academic circles. It is thought of as a first attempt to consciously « racialize » social sciences and to claim for the reconstruction of African history along what John Henrik Clarke already called « afrocentric » lines. Based on an ongoing research on African American academic activism, this paper will argue that beyond « Afrocentrism », what the members of AHSA were trying to create was a Pan-African organization grounded in politics and anticolonial struggle. In their view, the rewriting of African history was a first step toward a broader revolution that could affect power relations in the United States and build a united Pan-African community.

In the following paper, we will analyze how France dealt with the reports of human rights violations in Uruguay during the 1970s. Most particularly, we are going to focus on the diverse experiences of solidarity with political prisoners, with the National Liberation Movement (“Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-T”) or “Tupamaros” and with the relative members of disappeared Uruguayans. Three case studies will be exemplified : the Defense Committee of Political Prisoners in Uruguay (C.D.P.P.U. 1972), the International Lawyers' Office for the Uruguayan Amnesty (S.I.J.A.U. 1976) and the Association of Family Members of Disappeared Uruguayans (A.F.U.D.E. 1978).

Within the Amerindian territories of Amazonian Piedmont (Peru), commercial exploitation of wood and extractivism are causing an increase of economical and/or cultural conflicts. June 5th, 2009 is an important date for Awajun (jivaro linguistic family), settled on High Marañón river. It refers to a brutal repression of native people protest movements (against news laws) by the armed peruvian forces close to Bagua. In the absence of feedback from the peruvian State regarding their requests of the use and free disposal of their lands, some indigenous organizations try to create a “integral territory”. This project is a response on the fact that awajun society, their environment and their decision making are limited by the political existence of an indigenous territory and are influenced by external actors (peruvian State and extractivism private companies). It highlighted how the cultural roots are actually defined by political choice. In this paper, I want to go back to the recent history of awajun political struggles, and then I ask the idea of cultural roots.

The Solidarity Committee with Nicaragua in Zaragoza, Spain, was created in 1978 by Nicaraguan people who were living in the city at the time. In 1990 it changed its name to Internationalist Solidarity Committee. From 1978 it has been in touch with the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) to actuality. There are two different ways to approach the research about social movements and international network of solidarity. The first way is outwards: from the place where the event happens to the place where the support comes from. The second one is inwards, from the place where the solidarity begins towards the place in need of social improvements. This paper attempts to deal with a part of this second approach. It researches the possible causes why the Committee in Zaragoza was established in the first place, why Spanish nationals joined it, their ideology, the actions taken and finally, the Committee’s relations both with the FSLN and the rest of Committees in Spain and Europe.

From the mid-2000s, advocacy groups representing ex-conscripts who served during the Pinochet dictatorship began to emerge. These groups grew and formed a loose movement that demanded recognition as victims and reparations for its members. A common sense of victimhood and a shared way of remembering military service evolved that was able to unite the cohort of nearly 100,000 former recruits that had mobilized by the end of 2013. This paper examines the challenge to Chile’s politicized memoryscape posed by a collective memory of military service under Pinochet that is apolitical. The context of its emergence, the memory politics of Chile’s post-transition decade, the political categories of victim and perpetrator, and the depoliticization of Chilean society more broadly meant ex-conscripts as individuals and as a movement had incentives to silence politics when they began to talk about their experiences. More fundamentally, however, ex-conscript memory is shaped less by Cold War rivalries or local political struggle than by ideas of patriotism, masculine identity, work, family values, and poverty that remained relatively constant throughout the twentieth-century and independent of trajectory of political and ideological conflict. Historicizing twenty-first-century memory of military service under Pinochet therefore requires turning to the apolitical.

The literature about political history has become recently focused on concrete experiences and activities of groups and agents. Since the late 1920s, the Soviet Union, through its Communist Party and Communist International (Comintern), created various discussions and mobilization networks. These had contacted with various europeans and latin-american parties and organizations, transmitting by Moscow informers, theories, lines, documents, plans and purposes. Beside Krestintern, in the rural context, others relevant organizations were World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) and Trade Union International of Agricultural, Forestry and Plantation Workers (IAFPW). In this paper, I will describe the relationship between italians and brazilians in these organizations. In Brazil, PCB (Communist Party of Brasil) has created the ULTAB (União dos Lavradores e Trabalhadores Brasileiros) to promote the expansion of communism and encourages members to participate in rural affairs. In Italy, communist Ilio Bosi and Vincenzo Galetti reinvigorated activity of PCI (Communist Party of Italy) by putting focus on organizing regional federations of unions in the Third World, by WTFU and IAFPW. Since the 1950s, Bosi and Galetti worked to produce conversations, events and partnership between PCI and PCB. In this period, the contacts evolve PCB members as well as Silva, Jose Silva e Nestor Vera.

Since the late 1970s the revolutionary organizations of El Salvador began a gradual internationalization of its structures, developing a powerful solidarity movement with the struggle of the Salvadoran people. For the FMLN, this movement became a pillar of its revolutionary mobilization. Considered the Sixth Front of struggle, this network mobilized international solidarity in different ways: as a pressure tool for governments, political parties and international organizations; as speaker of global denunciation of the violation of human rights in El Salvador; and as an effective tool for fundraising for insurgent organizations. The aim of this paper is to analyze the role that communication developed in the process of internationalization of the Salvadoran revolutionary movement with the launch of comunicational space in the international media and development of communication projects and propaganda teams abroad. In this line, we address how these projects linked to the FMLN acted as a vehicle to coordinate and expand the solidarity movement and as a tool for fundraising.

This article exposes the importance of historical knowledge in the political analysis of institutions. In this case, I study the Chilean agrarian reform, during which the hierarchy of the Catholic Church was involved in an autonomous process of land distribution. This paper is divided into three parts; in the first part important elements of the international context are taken into consideration for analysis. The second exposes the precedents of the agrarian reform in Chile and also revises the process of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, in regards to its own agrarian reform. Finally, in the last part I present the theoretical assumptions, explaining the concept of institutional trajectory.Agrarian Reform, Catholic Church, Social Change, Institution, Institutional Trajectory

This paper examines the iconography of a group of pre-Columbian Andean woven textiles that, under the cloak of apparent heterogeneity, often hides a common thematic structure. It was widespread among pre-Columbian societies of the coast to individualise their art by applying thematic variations to the images they painted on cotton textiles: graphic compositions of a standing figure surrounded by a symmetrical arrangement of monkeys, felines and birds. Used as funerary shrouds to enclose the corpse after death, the woven textiles and their iconography performed the transformation of the recently deceased person into his new afterlife entity.The presupposition of our presentation is that the painted scenes were inspired by mythological references. They present a journey that the deceased must undertake to achieve immortality. Others have already completed the journey and, as major mythological heroes, they are still visible as celestial bodies, having triumphed in their battle against the stars for immortality. Their alternate diurnal and nocturnal presence can still be seen today.By carrying out an iconographical analysis based on contemporary Lowland mythology gathered in Colombia, in which this celestial antagonism is presented, we propose to find the homogeneity in these variations. Our aim is to bring new light to the reason for their presence as images on the mortuary materials of pre-Hispanic coastal societies.

The Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin has a large collection of Lambayeque-style textiles from Pachacamac, most of which were collected by Wilhelm Gretzer, a German textile merchant, around 1900. Not many Lambayeque textiles have survived in their area of origin on the north coast of Peru because of unfavourable climatic conditions, but preservation is better at Pachacamac, which is on the central coast. The Lambayeque style had its greatest period between about A.D. 900 and 1100.Many of the tapestry fragments depict an anthropomorphic figure that presumably represents a Lambayeque deity or lord, but plants, animals, and people engaged in daily or ceremonial activities are even more common. Many of the plant motifs are three-dimensional, with loops projecting from a tapestry-woven surface. Many fragments include camelid fibre yarns dyed green, which is unusual among other textile styles known from pre-Hispanic Peru.This paper presents the Lambayeque textiles in Berlin and describes their techniques, dyes, clothing styles, and iconography. In addition, I identify for the first time an unusual garment that is probably a woman’s hip cloth.

The birth of the ‘social issue’, as a problem that demanded the attention of the government and administration, brought about efforts to describe and explain its various angles. In Tucumán, where discussions centered on the conditions of existence of workers and their social and political rights meant no novelty (as can be accounted for by the debates and controversies surrounding the legitimacy of the ‘leyes de conchabo’ [‘hiring laws’], the last of which remained valid until 1896), this kind of study emerged in the 1890’s. As regards this, 1892 can be considered as a paradigmatic year, since it was then that two pieces of writing of similar content became prominent, one authored by Julio P. Ávila (Practical means to improve the situation of the working classes) and the other by Manuel Pérez (The working classes. Practical means to improve their situation). This paper explores the political and social context which gave rise to the contest, whilst looking into the intellectual trends and different sensitivities about social matters expressed by the members of the Sarmiento Society, a literary organization founded by graduates of Escuela Normal and Colegio Nacional in 1882.

In 1983, as the last dictatorship in Argentina was in decline, a new art exhibition in the interior of the country was opened: fair known as Art in Córdoba. A first feature that draws the attention of the exhibition was its massiveness: both Clarín Newspaper and the local press agree that the event involved the movement of a hundred artists, over 1000 works and 6000 attendees as public. Although it took place in the city of Córdoba, it went beyond a local dimension, as several of the artists and summoned works (e.g. Carlos Alonso) remitted to (inter) national contacts that invite to explore networks and appropriations in interprovincial, Latin American and/or European level. This paper proposes a first approach to some edges of these artistic processes from two problem areas: first, the exploration of the possible factors that conditioned the promotion of fair within the official cultural policy and, on the other hand, the description of agents and aesthetic productions that acquired visibility in the context of dictatorial crisis and sociopolitical transition. To begin to untangle some threads of such a complex cultural fabric, our historical reconstruction analyzes a heterogeneous document corpus.

During their ceremonies, the Mexica or Aztecs of central Mexico used certain costumes woven with cotton or vegetable fibres, or simply made of amate paper, covered with designs. This article seeks to explain the variety of these ritual garments utilizing a native concept of "personification" (ixiptla in nahuatl), in which a support (the "impersonator") is covered with a garment and various adornments belonging to a god (the "personified"), in order to transform it into the god’s divine incarnation.

This article will discuss, based on the study of the magazine Verbo of Argentina during the years of the dictatorship (1976-1983), ideas that Catholics from right about the universities and centers of research of Argentina in particular, and Latin America had in general. Verbo was the organ of diffusion of the organization called Ciudad Católica which had origins in France and international ramifications. More precisely, in this paper we show how these Catholics who wrote in Verbo – clerics, Argentines and foreigners, attempted to “collaborate” with “anti-subversive fight” that was going on, denouncing, on the one hand, the “advancement” of “communism” among scientists and universities in Argentina and “Latin America”; and on the other hand, the “penetration Marxist” within the Catholic universities.

In this paper I analyze the concepts of ‘parastatal’, ‘paramilitary’ and ‘vigilante’ (parapolice) according have been used in the literature. In the second part I focus on the analysis of the para-statal repressive violence in Argentina between 1973 and 1975 with special emphasis on the "Triple A" (“Anti-Communist Alliance Argentina"). Finally I analyze to what extent and in what ways the theoretical concepts can serve to classify paramilitary violence occurred in Argentina.

The scientific literature has already refuted the very widespread – in both North America and Latin America – prejudice that Indians are predisposed to alcoholism. However, very few researchers focused on moderate uses of alcoholic drinks in the contemporaneous native societies. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the deconstruction of the drunken Indian stereotype by exploring, from an ethnological perspective, two types of relations with alcohol not very well documented among native people of Brazil: abstinence and controlled consumption. To this end, we will use ethnographic data collected among the Baniwa, an Arawak-speaking people of Northwest Amazonia. Converted since the mid-twentieth century to Evangelicalism, a Protestant religious movement, the Baniwa renounced to alcohol consumption and turned sobriety into a main marker of their religious affiliation.

The paper analyzes the process of defining the listing of the deployed municipalities in Uruguay in 2010 and those deployed in 2015, as well as the general overview of the municipalization in the country. It has as sources the legislation on the subject, journalism material and studies made by local investigators. After that, is introduced the formal rules from which a certain territory or location may go on to have elective local authorities; discusses the first municipalities created, the way they are distributed among the departments and the included electoral contingent; discusses those installed in 2015.

In the early fifties of the twentieth century in Mexico, a secret, Catholic, anti-communist and anti-Semitic organization was born. At first it grew in universities and later in business and political spaces. Fifty years later its existence was revealed by journalists who have built a hegemonic version of its history.This paper questions three elements of journalistic version without interest definitively concluding the subject, trying to nurture the historical knowledge on Mexican rights, as well as establishing a healthy debate with investigative journalism.After a brief introduction, the three points are developed: first, that the origin of the group is part of a tradition; second, it has experimented changes over its history; and third, that its location between the rights requires greater precision.

For a long time, Latin America has been considered a hopelessly populist land. This very essentialized and comprehensive academic and political characterizations on the continent disowns the power of anti-populist actors. This paper aims to reconstruct the behavior and speechs of some of the anti populist coalitions as well as those of liberal politicians in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay in the peronist scenario. This work provides some evidence on mutual perceptions and cooperation among national actors from a transnational history approach; and portrays the collective imagination and the republican, anti-fascist and in some cases, elitist political culture shared by antiperonist Argentine leaders, as well as those of the UDN in Brazil and of Batllism in Uruguay. This perspective was shaped by the denunciation and the critique on what has been reported as “populist” practices - demagogic and empty rhetoric, irresponsible public expenditure and political manipulation.Since politicians in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay have held political, personal and intellectual bonds stated in newspapers, letters and public speeches, it is easy to identify joint features and ties across frontiers. They have understood -and intervened in- the political life keeping an eye on the political situation of the neighboring country in an effort to build an anti populist South American coalition in the transition between the end of WW2 and the beginning of the Cold War.

By exhaustively investigating the personal files of one the most polemic Brazilians bishops of the 20th century, Mr. Geraldo de Proença Sigaud (1909 – 1999), important contacts with American anti-communist groups the bishop of Diamantina (Minas Gerais), back then had were found, from which he received certain ideological support. Several works with anti-communist tendency were found, and also correspondence between the bishop and those groups in the decade of 1960. This paper has, as a main target, pointing out some of those contacts and bringing the publications received by the bishop to light, which possibly defined his role in the conservative groups established on the Second Vatican Council (1962 – 1965), with the purpose of, among others, making the council explicitly condemn communism.

Dialogos en guarani is the spanish title embossed on the spine label of a beautifully bound, gilt-edged monolingual guarani manuscript of 283 pages and 88 chapter headlines. This perfectly well kept manuscript has been identified by ANR LANGAS project team in a library of Luján (Argentina) in may 2013, and digitalized in November 2014. Without any mention of author nor date, written by different hands, its origin, objectives and uses arise several hypothesis. Its paper, ink, calligraphies and orthography drive us to date it at the beginning of XVIII century, a period of economical and cultural apogee within the Jesuit reductions in Paraguay (1609-1767). This article briefly draws up the trajectory of the manuscript, places it within the whole of the corpus known at this stage, and compares it with a partial copy of the same text, made in Germany in XIX century. Together with the translation of a few excerpts, we intend to present new research perspectives open by this document and that should be explored by LANGAS team in the coming years.

This paper analyzes the presence and use of the categories of gender and ethnicity on hegemonic discourses about the mapuche people in the second half of the nineteenth century in Chile. Two kinds of sources were addressed -photography and classic historiography- paying special attention to the way in which narratives about the mapuche people, and particularly about mapuche women, were reconfigured according to the mentioned cateories.

The object of this paper is to identify, across time and space, the means by which the First Nations of Canada have been able to adopt the Catholic religion through a feminine prism. After having shown that the spirituality of the religious congregations was chiefly oriented around Catholicism’s feminine figures, the author demonstrates the existence of similarities between traditional rituals of First Nations people and Catholic rituals that may shed light on the amazing strength of these feminine devotions within the practices of First Nations people since the 17th Century. The example of Catherine Tekawhitka, a Mohawk Indian woman who lived in the second half of the 17th Century and was canonized in 2012, evidences the special link between women and the Catholic First Nations’ faith spread across the centuries.

This paper focuses on the economic crisis faced by Chile between 1930 and 1932 from a micro-historical approach. It explores the judicial case of Julio Alfaro’s suicide, a 37-year-old mechanical, which took place in Santiago at the end of 1930. The study, as part of a wider research on suicide in Santiago between 1920 and 1940, show a significant increase in the country’s suicide rate during the economic crisis. After a violent death, justice launched an investigation in order to prove a suicide and discard a homicide. The research examines 124 suicide files. In this context, it identifies 11 sorts of explanations offered by relatives and by suicidal person in their testimonies or farewell notes. Suicide was usually explained through one reason. Otherwise, in Julio Alfaro’s case, five types of explanations were presented to justify the suicidal purpose. In this sense, Julio Alfaro’s case is set out as an exceptional case because of the varied explanations involved.

This paper addresses the experience of suicide from a set of Chilean court cases from the cities of Santiago, Talca and Copiapo, in which justice opened an investigatory procedure, which activated new practices related to the appreciation of the circumstance by police, the recognition of witnesses, the execution of autopsies and finally, the identification of the cause of death. Nineteenth century cases show that throughout this process, and given the historical development of society, the suicidal person was presented as a sinner who committed a crime against God. This situation began to change in the early twentieth century when forensic medicine started to be used in justice as a clarifying agent. In this transition of the suicidal person, from sinner to an object of study, it remained, however, the idea that the suicidal action broke all-moral and social standards, despite there were no legal sanction.