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This paper analyze the use of photography in the documentary The Pearl Button, by Patricio Guzmán (2015). Among the multiple elements that make up the story proposed in the film, photography appears as a thread that links the different episodes of the national past recalled by the filmmaker, which focus on the twilight of the indigenous peoples of Tierra del Fuego and the disappearance of leftist militants during Pinochet’s military dictatorship. If photography is the visual index that refers to both moments, political violence is the practice that historically crosses them. From a historical point of view, the article focuses on the relationship between the photographs used in the documentary, the disappearance as a repeated mechanism of state violence, and the melancholic vision of the filmmaker in the face of the end of certain “community projects” in Chilean history.

Lately, historical studies on right-wing Peronism acquired increasing centrality in the research agenda on Argentina’s recent History. The world of labour and the working class have been privileged environments for the formation of right-wing Peronist representatives and organizations. However, studies on industrial conflict in the 1970s never thoroughly addressed the history of right-wing Peronist unions. This paper proposes an approach to the memories and lived experiences of a worker and trade unionist of the Unión Obrera Metalúrgica based on the use of oral sources. It reconstructs his biography as a trade unionist and a “patotero” whose daily life was marked by violent and repressive practices. It analyses his vision of work relations, his justification for the brutal and terrorist repressive action led against left-wing workers/militants, as well as the idea of the trade union as a bulwark of anticommunism in the factory. The biography of this “patotero” represents an emblematic case, since it shows the formation and development trajectory of a worker who transited through extreme right-wing Peronist organizations such as the Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara, the Peronist Armed Forces, and ended up joining a trade union “patota” during the 1970s.

In this paper I explore different forms of knowledge, often ignored by the western reason: the systems of knowledge of the indigenous people of America.I Will take this systems o knowledge like points of convergence of an ancestral memory, and also like a memory created by the experience of the past and present of the Américan indigenous people as plural and changing subjects. I will take the importance of the comunity the most important space of reference for the indigenous konowledge, and i will analyze the relationship with nature, because this is the mechanism that they use to reproduce their culture and reapropiate their enviroment. We can´t take off the agency of this people and we should think about categories like subalternity.

At present, there are specific reappearancesof the memory of slavery that are linked to social and economic transformations that Cuba has experienced since the 1990s. This paper tries to explain the way in which way the past of Cuban history is evoked, reconstructed and used by new social actors, the rappers and bloggers, who reclaim an identity and culture referred to as “black”. In the memorial ways analyzed in this paper, there are connections between the servile past and the current social and economic conditions of black people in the country. The first part introduces the socio-historical context in which these new social actors are in, more specifically, the current debate about racism in Cuban society. Then, there are two different versions of the current use of the memory of slavery: through a blog and through the artistic production of some groups of rappers.

From the mid-2000s, advocacy groups representing ex-conscripts who served during the Pinochet dictatorship began to emerge. These groups grew and formed a loose movement that demanded recognition as victims and reparations for its members. A common sense of victimhood and a shared way of remembering military service evolved that was able to unite the cohort of nearly 100,000 former recruits that had mobilized by the end of 2013. This paper examines the challenge to Chile’s politicized memoryscape posed by a collective memory of military service under Pinochet that is apolitical. The context of its emergence, the memory politics of Chile’s post-transition decade, the political categories of victim and perpetrator, and the depoliticization of Chilean society more broadly meant ex-conscripts as individuals and as a movement had incentives to silence politics when they began to talk about their experiences. More fundamentally, however, ex-conscript memory is shaped less by Cold War rivalries or local political struggle than by ideas of patriotism, masculine identity, work, family values, and poverty that remained relatively constant throughout the twentieth-century and independent of trajectory of political and ideological conflict. Historicizing twenty-first-century memory of military service under Pinochet therefore requires turning to the apolitical.

This paper addresses the issue of representations of victims as constructed by the public policies of memory and their uses through the case of the city of Medellín. It focuses on the analysis of the historical memory axis of the Municipal Program of Assistance to Victims of the Armed Conflict launched in 2006. In this context, local officials have designed and diffused a series of instruments to teach victims how to build a "historical memory" based on the specific violent events.The aim is to analyze in particular the actual act of “assimilation into a museum" of the figure of the victim. While the civil non-governmental affiliated museum Weaving Memories sketches a portrait of a militant victim who denounces the complicity of the state with the paramilitaries, the municipal Museum House of Memory builds a narrative around the concept of a universal victim, at the same time bruised and resistant, and prone to forgiveness. The study of the uses and appropriations of the municipal museum concludes that it can either be seen as a sounding board for the claims of victims and as a damper that tries, through the construction of a figure of the victim in which each visitor can recognize himself, to build an order peaceful in its appearances.

This paper traces the paths that led to some reflections on relations involving people and archaeological sites in Huachichocana (Tumbaya department, Jujuy, Argentina). They are part of a larger aim: to achieve an understanding of the local perspectives related to the ' past ' and ' history ' of the place, where relationships with sites are presented as a more other significant relationships that constitute memory and the local landscape. These relationships are defined mainly by the place occupied by families in the definition of spaces (houses, “puestos”, places ), their productive linkages in the context of annual mobility patterns , and the close relationship between them and other ' beings ' : hills , ponds , springs , ravines , mines, and , of course , archaeological sites. All these reflections lead us to consider as essential the relationships of “nurturing” (crianza), so common in the Andean symbolic languages, and also present in Huachichocana.

This paper explores in an introductory way the operations triggered from the concern regarding the past of Paraguay, mainly that recent past – Stroessner dictatorship –. Trauma and grief, documents and traces, and the manner in which they can or cannot be inscribed locally. From the question about the recent memory in Paraguay, we explore Fredi Casco’s artwork, playing whit the way art reads memory, develop memory. Also launchanother operation on the table: countermemory, a strategy the artist found in order to disarrange the narration of a past that that has not gone away.

The very act of remembering was at the core of power dynamics in the suffrage movement, during the years of struggle and after the ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920. In the late 1930s, Carrie Chapman Catt, the former president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association and the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, decided to create her own “perfect library” on the woman suffrage movement, that she bequeathed to the Library of Congress in Washington. This paper explores the authoritative dimension of Catt’s endeavor and her effort to control the memory of the movement. Catt made it a personal affair: she obliterated historical accurateness to favor her vision, her agenda and her legacy. She saw herself as the sole custodian of suffragist remembrance.

This paper presents some considerations on the oral sources and oral history, crossed by the assumption that they are vaster areas those of methodology. With this perspective some problems are deployed around the experiences that the interview provides to oral historians, the relevance of the hermeneutic approach to assess the text that produces the interview, the pertinence of qualitative methodologies for addressing memoirs and the stories they originate.

The article analyzes some memory reconfigurations about the political radicalization process prior to Argentina’s last military dictatorship (1976-1983) that took place in the mid-nineties. By then the social elaboration of the repressive experience began to transit from a depoliticizing discourse that had conceived people who suffered state terror as "innocent victims" to another that sought to vindicate the political action and militancy of the disappeared. The aim is to approach this issue by analyzing one of the "vehicle of memory" paradigmatic of this process of passage, the documentary Hunters of Utopias, and the debate provoked by the movie premiere in the newspaper Página/12. The paper examines the memory strategies deployed by the film, specifying its place of enunciation and the way that from there gives meaning to the narrated past, in the light of its socio-political conditions of production and those memories with which confronts. In the same direction analyzes the controversy appeared in Pagina/12, that transcended the consideration of the film to focus on what should be the senses, legacies and ways of transmission of the seventies experience, involving different generations that put into play wich should be the role that each of them in the process of reappropriation of that militant past.

In the history of the historiography of Argentine provinces, the period from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century is of particular importance, since visions and representations of local past began to form and articulate in those years, and provided original interpretations with regard to the speeches provided what became known as the national history, built from the capital city of Buenos Aires.This paper explores the process of writing the provincial memory, in relationship with the big national narratives, through two historical-cultural journals engendered within the intellectual sociability of Santa Fe, Argentina’s province with the most spectacular demographic and economic growth at that time.

This paper focuses on the Latin American conflict called War of Paraguay, and particularly the episode known as ‘Withdrawal from Laguna’, to study the construction of memory, history and identity by the elite of Mato Grosso. To facilitate the analysis of those issues its author historically contextualizes the division of the former state of Mato Grosso into two federative units, namely: Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul occurred in 1977, and also the dialectic process in which the war in Paraguay and the referred withdrawal bacame objects of countless historical, historiographic, ideological and identitary manipulations by those elites, aiming to maintain and legitimize their power over the state of Mato Grosso do Sul (Brazil).