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This paper investigates the participation of the Argentine Navy in the repression of political dissidents abroad during State terrorism. Based on a historical reconstruction of the extraterritorial operations that involved the Navy, one of the three military forces that played a leading role in the last Argentine dictatorship (1976-1983), the paper questions the conditions and characteristics of its performance in transnational repression. It is hypothesized that the Navy developed an increasing degree of influence and autonomy in the deployment of the Argentine repressive apparatus beyond national borders. This type of development, observable in the case investigated, suggests a general key of analysis for studies on transnational repression: just as the action of the repressive agencies within the national territory was neither monolithic nor unidirectional, their cross-border action acquired a similar dynamic, characterized by a margin of relative autonomy of the forces involved, although without deviating from the strategic objective of persecuting political dissidents.

This article explores the activism of Arab Mexicans during the transition from the sultanate of Abdülhamid II, known as the Hamidian regime, and the beginning of the rule of the Committee of Union and Progress, known as the Young Turks government. The paper discusses the activism of intellectuals, social network leaders, and associations that created affinity ties with the Ottoman government and French authorities. These activities aspired to consolidate the diplomatic protection of Ottomans in Mexico. The compilation of primary sources shows the spread of Ottomanism and Francophilia within the first generation of Arab Mexicans. These discourses of affinity are relevant elements to understanding the activism in the Great War and at the dawn of the Mandate system in the Mashriq.

In Lettres à une Noire (1978), an epistolary novel that operates like a diary, written in the early 1960s, the protagonist writes letters to the Brazilian author Carolina Maria de Jesus. She is the author of the bestseller Quarto de despejo (1960) [Child of the Dark: The Diary of Carolina Maria de Jesus, 1962], which also has the structure of a diary and describes the daily life of a scrap collector living in the favela do Canindé in São Paulo. This paper aims to show the importance of the contact between these writers, as perceptible in the work of Françoise Ega. To this end, we first analyze Françoise Ega’s career and some of the particularities of her novel Lettres à une Noire. Next, we examine the hybridity of Ega’s novel, a feature of American discourse according to the Brazilian thinker Silviano Santiago, among others. Finally, we explore the dialogue between Lettres à une Noire and Child of the Dark. From this last step, we resume the debate on hybridism and Hispanic-Luso-French-American literature.

The purpose of this research paper is to discuss the participation of Brazilian students enlisted in the Academic volunteer Battalion of Coimbra (1826-1828). Starting from the analysis of nominative lists, correspondence, registry books from the General Police Superintendency’s Office, memories, among others – documentation deposited at the National Archive of Torre do Tombo, National Library of Portugal, and at the Historical Archive of the University of Coimbra – we intend to investigate the bonds that brought together Portuguese and Brazilian in defense of the Constitutional Charter and the legitimacy of Don Pedro I (IV of Portugal) to the Portuguese throne. The letters from Sátiro Mariano Leitão, from Maranhão, suggest that the Brazilian students enlisted in the Battalion to defend liberalism more than to, necessarily, suggest projects of union between the two crowns, even though there were interests in that direction. Thus, it was necessary to defend a monarch who could guarantee the constitutional regime and stop the advance of absolutism embodied, in this Portuguese scenario, in Don Miguel.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role played by Portuguese authorities alongside Joachim Le Breton in the establishment of the 1816 French artistic mission to Brazil, as an international movement that could be understood as a notable predecessor to what we know today as cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a term that often refers to the instrumentalization and projection of culture into the international arena. In this sense, culture was leveraged as an international asset for the construction of the Brigantine monarchy in Brazil. In this article we propose a wider approach in which “European culture” is instrumentalized by a state to elevate a colony to an Empire, capable of accommodating its European ruling class and sovereign.

The pulp mills projects from Botnia in Uruguay are fueling fears about environment caring, competition among bordering countries and bitterness towards large transnational corporations. The pulp and paper industry, however, rests on a long history and a continued scientific research effort that allows proposing effective solutions to evolve into an economically and environmentally sustainable industry.

This paper aims to analyze the use made by Miguel Reale of Carl Schmitt’s thought to legally legitimize the civil-military coup d’État in Brazil in 1964. We argue that Reale’s political thought evolved from fascist corporatism during his youth, towards a political thinking that was still authoritarian, but henceforth stripped of its fascist references and now based on a sophisticated philosophical and legal conceptual tool, in which the Schmittian concepts occupy a central place. To examine the use of Schmitt by Reale, we will examine the work of both: from the first, Political Theology (1922), The concept of the political (1927) and The Guardian of the Constitution (1928); from the second, his memoirs Destinos Cruzados and A Balança e a Espada (1987) and Imperativos da revolução de março (1964). This paper is divided into three parts. In the first, we examine some theoretical and methodological assumptions on which we relied to carry out our analyzes; in the second, we focus on the work of Carl Schmitt, highlighting the main concepts appropriate by Miguel Reale; in the third, finally, we analyze how Reale operationalized them to explain and, above all, to legitimize the military seizure of power in 1964.

This paper analyzes the possibilities and the historiographic value of a choral-biographical approach to the history of the Royal Army of the Border of Chile during the 17th Century. It justifies, in the first place, the validity and opportunity of such approach. In the second place, it exposes one of the main problems for its application: many of the sources for Chilean military history in colonial times come from instances of power (political, religious, military) within a process of moral, social, and cultural organization of the soldiery, thereby blurring the normative system and values of the soldiers themselves. Consequently, the historiography of the Chilean army has favored a social approach and a longue durée timeframe, paying, therefore, more attention to social and economic structures than to individual trajectories. Finally, the paper exemplifies two ways for an alternative reading of the sources: reading between the lines and against the author's concept system; and normalize trivial, perhaps exceptional, details to bring to light practices, social dynamics, and identification processes. These are just two examples, among others, that point towards the possibility of give back an historical agency to the soldier and understand its construction from a collective dimension, halfway between the individual and the institutional.

The aim of this paper is to illustrate the Americanist researcher about the archives and libraries in Lisbon in order to facilitate his work. Each archive appears with a list of suitable fonds of documents and other database. We also joint a list of bookshops and museums as a complement to the Americanist research’s work.

This paper aims to analyze the discourses of the dominant sectors and the municipal policies that were established in Bolivia in the 1930s and 1940s, and that sought to exclude from the public space the working women of the urban popular sectors with hygienist justifications. These discriminatory discourses and policies against women workers were at the origin of their organization in anarchist women’s unions, which were very active and mobilized in the public sphere during the 1930s and 1940s, a period of political effervescence in which the working-class sectors became crucial political actors, until the outbreak of the revolution in 1952. Through these discourses and municipal policies, the dominant sectors, whose authority was questioned after the Chaco War (1932-1935), tried to contain the social ascent of the subaltern sectors that were increasingly mobilized in the public sphere, including urban working-class women.

This paper analyzes the discussions that took place within the student movement during the transition to democracy in Uruguay regarding the "question of the university" and its future. As point of departure, it places the analysis on the perspectives expressed in one of the main student magazines of the period, in addition to testimonies from students, press material and a series of documents produced by different student fractions within the movement. The article focuses on framing techniques in dispute about alternative models for the University, the role of students in the transition to democracy and, more specifically, the tensions that arose between the possibility of either restring what was there before the coupe or renovating into the future. Transitional periods appear as particularly fertile ground for students to question university governance and to problematize the relationship between university and society. The paper shows the efficacy of using and evoking very general frames (such as autonomy and student participation in university governance), which suspended internal differences related to how to define those frames, their implications and how to put them in practice. Albeit efforts for imagining alternative models for the university existed, diagnostics and prognostics elements were predominant and, when prospective elements appeared, they were usually tied to the preauthorization past.

With the opening of the Atlantic routes and the encounter between Europeans and indigenous populations, several sources and information started to circulate about the inhabitants of the New World. Literary accounts, graphic representations and ethnographic objects began to be disseminated, greatly influencing the construction of stereotypical, generic and often ambiguous representations. The text focuses on the Brazilian context, considering objects – such as those made with feather and weapons – that are still quite popular in the global imaginary. The way Europeans perceived them, on the one hand reflected the contradictions of theological and philosophical speculation, while on the other hand bound them to the categories of wonder, curiosity and alterity. In this paper, we shall analyze how collecting these objects, their recontextualization and their comparison with literary and graphic sources influenced the way in which the European imaginary invented and freeze framed a composite portrait of indigenous people.

In this paper we inquire about the role that the Buenos Aires Police Department, created in 1821, and its agents had in the War with Brazil that involved the territories on both sides of the Río de la Plata between 1825 and 1828. We explore three modes of intervention of the Department: the tutelary function, associated with the control of loyalties of Portuguese and Brazilians in Buenos Aires before and during the conflict; the political and institutional function, linked to the activity of the Department to organize police stations in the Banda Oriental; and the penal function, which was deployed by various commissioners around Buenos Aires in the regulation and control of the forced labor of Portuguese prisoners. In order to examine these problems, we use unpublished documentation preserved in the police collection of the General Archive of the Nation of Argentina. We complement our analysis with published sources from the Banda Oriental, such as regulations, legislative collections, press and session diaries. Contributions of global history, as well as social history of the police and justice, and social labour history are paramount to review a problem that has not been considered part of the war conflict.

This paper focuses on the period of colonisation of Tierra del Fuego at the end of the 19th century and focuses on the actions of Thomas Bridges, an Anglican missionary, and Lucas Bridges, his son, a rancher with a good relationship with the native population. It analyses the continuity between them of certain conceptions of evangelisation – and its counterpart, civilisation – coming from the missionary milieus in which the father had been trained and acted, as well as the mutations and re-elaborations of some of its components in the son's actions.

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro administration helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro administration top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro government helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro government's top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

On May 1st, 2014 members of the historical memory team from the Aranzadi Sciences Society arrived in Oropesa de Toledo. The objective: to locate two mass graves containing the remains of Republicans killed in the weeks after Franco’s troops entered the town in 1936. Despite evidence regarding the mass graves’ existence, they were never found. Drawing on empirical, ethnographic data collected in the town of Oropesa in the months following this «unsuccessful» exhumation, this paper narrates this curious story of two graves that have «gone missing». It considers the intellectual labor exerted to produce historical knowledge in a context where municipal archives remain inaccessible and family histories are marked by silence and dis-information. The author suggests that the absence of information – the dearth of historical, narrative evidence – regarding the lives of the defeated makes the production of historical and forensic knowledge a complicated affair. It tracks how kin-based knowledge and scarce archival documents are gathered and animated in order to make exhumations possible. Considering the forms of knowledge that are needed in order to engage techno-scientific expertise in meaningful ways, the paper attends to the important role that kin-based knowledge and seemingly «unimportant» documents play in processes of historical enunciation.

The paper approaches ways in which the debates around the tax reform in Argentina were reflected and readjusted into municipal levels during the WWI economic crisis. By taking the case of Posadas, capital city of the national territory of Misiones, it proposes to observe how the new debates on the tax system and the municipal attributions to establish a more progressive levy were reflected from the local newspaper La Tarde. Through this analyses it is sustained that the issues discussed show the circulation of ideas according to which municipalities were conceived as government institutions provided with the necessary attributions to introduce tax reforms or redirect their tax policies based on a progressive levy, and also regulate the prices of basic foodstuffs, in order to favor low-income sectors affected by the crisis. Likewise, we argue that although these conceptions were nurtured by widespread economic ideas such as Georgism, they also received influence from the experiences of other municipalities that worked as models of what could be done. In this context, municipal initiatives can be understood as inserted in a wider field of discussions over the scope of municipal capacities during the crisis and not only as local responses.

The aim of this article is to analyse how the justices of the peace were selected in the city of Buenos Aires from the second period of Juan Manuel de Rosas' government onwards. To do so, we problematize the transformations of the functions of justice, government and police in the city during the first half of the 19th century. Our interest is to demonstrate how the Rosas government made concrete its efforts to position trusted officials in the lower courts of the city, the mechanisms to implement this strategy and the success (or not) of the initiative in the short and long term. The paper first details the functions of justices of the peace and police commissioners as agents of justice and local government. Secondly, it discusses the importance of the documentary archive of the General Archive of the Nation, specifically the classification cards of 1835, describing what they consisted of and how they were made. Finally, we analyse the role played by these cards in the election of candidates and establish the sociographic profiles of the justices of the peace elected to the judiciary in 1836.

This paper has as a starting point in an empirical classification, both oppositional and humorous, of the ideological life, which appeared in the mid-twentieth century in a small town that was a favored summer resort of the old Argentine “criollo” elites. The “Kremlin” and the “Vatican” are the terms of the classification applied to two stately houses and clans in Villa General Mitre (now, Villa del Totoral), which this paper attempts to resituate as regards political categories (amongst them, left/ right ), political practices, and society. The conjecture is that this elaboration can be read in terms of an ideological comedy within the elites; whose terms direct, but also distort, displace, erase…, precisely because the comedy, as well as the enclave, accomplishes a relevant function in the reproduction of the group.

In this paper, I argue that the beginnings of modern archaeology in the Andes entailed the transformation of the peasant and Indigenous spatialities of which pre-Columbian buildings were a part, a task for which looking at the margins of the visual archives produced during the first decades of the twentieth century is necessary. To this end, I analyze some little-studied records from the visual archive of German engineer Hans Heinrich Brüning (1848-1928) and offer new ways to expand our knowledge of his archive and thus enrich debates about the origins of modern Andean archaeology. Likewise, I incorporate several works that have looked at his life, his works, and his later influence, as well as perspectives from critical geography that analyze the division and control of space in contexts of early capitalism. In this way, I conclude by proposing some ideas for thinking about the origins of Andean archaeology as part of broader projects utilizing local regimes of spatiality. Including specific images from Brüning's expanded archive in our readings of the history of archaeology will provide access to the tensions of representation that emerged during the first decades of the twentieth century.

In this paper we seek to explore the struggles for dignity at work among unionized Latin American women in Spain. As activists of Sindihogar, the first independent feminist union of household and care work in Spain, we propose an interdisciplinary analysis of the current situation and the present resistance. According to the prognosis of growing aging in Spain, an increased need for dependency care is predicted. Women from Latin America are overrepresented in the household care sector. Currently, this group is sustaining the most vulnerable residents, living in the margins of European postcolonial society. To this end, from both legal and anthropological perspectives, we analyze the context of this collective's life and struggle, the legal framework in which they operate, and the strategies of resistance they are developing. Sindihogar presents itself as a privileged space for analyzing the creation of a safe space for identity-building for women marginalized by different axes of oppression: gender, race and class.

The aim of this paper is to study the limits of the Americanisation of knowledge. Following the expedition led by Francisco Hernández in Mexico, and the fate of the manuscripts produced during it, the paper focuses on all the ruptures, flaws, and misunderstandings that disrupted or made impossible the European appropriation of American knowledge. It shows that, paradoxically, it was because Francisco Hernández went very far in the adoption of Indian thought that his Natural History could not be accepted by his contemporaries. It reveals, finally, that the political stakes of Spanish settlement in Americas inhibited the transmission of that knowledge.

The paper is based on the hypothesis that the Philippines was a territory colonized from New Spain and served as experience, accumulation, memory and practice for other spaces colonized from New Spain, mainly the North of Mexico and California. Although the Jesuits hegemonized the missionary-colonizing voice in those territories (the Philippines first, then the North), there were precedent ways of writing the natural history that the Jesuits knew, learned and, finally, appropriated and adapted. The paper presents one of the first attempts of writing the natural history of the Philippines, Antonio de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas – published in Mexico, in 1609, but written between 1595 and 1603 – to compare it with the first natural history of the Philippines produced by a Jesuit, Pedro Chirino, published in Rome, in 1604.

Elias Al-Mawsili, a Chaldean cleric from Baghdad, traveled to the American continent and based there from 1675 to 1683. The lack of accounts of non-Western travelers to the American continent has attracted our attention to the underlying incentives of his journeys. His travel narrative is the oldest known Arabic manuscript of the New World. This research focuses on how the account of this Arab traveler differs from Western representations and foregrounds. It also features the approach on how Al-Mawsili portrays the Amerindian and the Spanish settlers. This draft traces Al-Mawsili's travels from Baghdad to Europe and then his arrival to America. The study approaches his descriptions of large parts of the south to the center of the American continent and emphasizes themes as the hunt of gold, the avarice of the Spaniards, the perils and the adventure in America. In addition, the article considers the candidness of Al-Mawsili's observations by highlighting the means used in his accounts, especially informative, descriptive, and anecdotal. This paper discusses the reasons about why this narrative has been forgotten for many years.

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between political language and political traditions; more specifically, we are interested in the relationship between kirchnerist´s speeches and the republican tradition. Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez’s speeches have long been associated with the notion of populism. Because of this, any connection to the republican concepts was unthought-of or highly unlikely. Our starting point seeks to explain links, bonds and contradictions between these governments and republican concepts. Thus, it appears to be of fundamental importance to know the republican concepts that former presidents take up, and understand how to put in dialogue these interpretations with meaning constructions used by former political leaders. In other words, we are interested in developing the relationship between concepts, history and politics.Based on the proposal of the conceptual history of Reinhart Koselleck, we will seek to know the interpretations that were made of republican concepts in national history, to show the speeches’ bonds between political projects of a very different nature. We are not only interested to learn about the relationship between Kirchnerism and republicanism, but also know the implied bonds that this political force stands by with previous political projects.

In 1937 was published a prison reform Project for the brasilian capital entitled Cidade Penitenciária do Rio de Janeiro. From an architectural point of view, this “prison-city” did not present differences with its predecessors nor did it present itself as an urbanization. The proposal of its author, the architect Adelardo Caiuby, gathered his experience as creator of the São Paulo Model Leprosário (1918) whose main idea was that the patients, confined for a long time in the hospital, lead a life similar to the one they had out of isolation. That idea – in theory – was the one that Caiuby tried to transfer to the penitentiary sphere, although he finally did it with a traditional architectural prison design. In this paper we will delve into the meanings of the city metaphor that some state agents believed appropriate to solve prison problems. What were the conditions like in the federal district penitentiaries in 1930? Who were the agents in charge of finding solutions? What experiences did they have? What was the specific operating proposal for that city? How was it different from other existing prisons? These are some of the questions that guide this work.

This paper aims to examine the mapuche considerations about magical aggression in the context of interethnic relations established in the arauco-pampean area. The indigenous witchcraft beliefs are an interpretative system about the origin of the misfortune which had to be adjusted to incorporate within its boundaries the wingka otherness, native denomination of the European invaders. On the subject, the historical sources provide data that would seem contradictory at first sight. On the one hand, the indigenous people consider the wingka incapable of mastering the means necessary to carry out the magical aggression. On the other the belief that certain wingka would be capable of resorting to supernatural means to unleash epidemics. We seek to analyze these sources to deepen our conception of the indigenous perception of wingka otherness and how it was incorporated into their interpretative schemes about the origin of misfortune within the ethnogenetic process triggered by the European invasion.

Those objects that pretend to be simple and banal in appearance, often have unsuspected depths, since out of their most obvious function they can hide endless numerous nooks, interstices and secrets. This is the case of the 16th to 19th century iron harpoon from the coast of the Atacama Desert in northern Chile. A sophisticated object assembled from multiple parts, hardly studied and never discussed, its uniqueness is that it possesses a pre-Columbian design combined with European materials. The following paper reveals an unknown find deposited in the British Museum in London, from which a reflection on the role of hybrid harpoons as a mechanism for resolving the technical and cultural tensions produced by the encounter between native residents and European outsiders in a littoral scenario.

This paper is part of the conclusions of a research aimed to identify the origins and conditions of production of visual brands in Colombia in the first three decades of the XX century. Following the consolidation and analysis of the image corpus we identified several trends, which were established and developed during the research period, being the “graphic mixing” the one more closely related to the circulation of people, practices, ideas and goods. To deconstruct these phenomena, we engage it in three parts: the reasons behind the use of European visual codes, the way in which these codes were introduced in the country’s visual language, and the stages leading to the “graphic crossbreeding”.

This paper proposes a comparative analysis of two French films about the Chilean coup d’état: The embassy (1973), by Chris Marker, and Dialogues of exiles (1975), by Raúl Ruiz. In both cases, closed spaces predominate, what collaborate to produce transnational filmic spaces. This choose has been made in a moment when French left has chosen to compete in the presidential election of 1974 by means of a great alliance, that is, adopting the same strategy already used by the Popular Unity in Chile. The conception of space, in both films, is an important element to articulate the speech. Marker and Ruiz represent isolated communities in consequence of the external repression (particularly in The embassy) or the fact of being a foreign (particularly in Dialogues of exiles). The option of using closed settings and indoor ambiences is convenient to think about the dictatorship, but it also indicates certain dilemmas of the left in this time. This paper aims to show how the exploration of space – settings or geographic spaces that appear in the films – is a strategy to analysis the coup d’état impact abroad Chileans borders.

This paper analyze the use of photography in the documentary The Pearl Button, by Patricio Guzmán (2015). Among the multiple elements that make up the story proposed in the film, photography appears as a thread that links the different episodes of the national past recalled by the filmmaker, which focus on the twilight of the indigenous peoples of Tierra del Fuego and the disappearance of leftist militants during Pinochet’s military dictatorship. If photography is the visual index that refers to both moments, political violence is the practice that historically crosses them. From a historical point of view, the article focuses on the relationship between the photographs used in the documentary, the disappearance as a repeated mechanism of state violence, and the melancholic vision of the filmmaker in the face of the end of certain “community projects” in Chilean history.

In this paper we explore representations of epidemics in Argentina in illustrated periodicals, from the cholera outbreak of 1867 to the “Spanish flu” of 1918-9. The route through half a century allows us to observe changes and continuities in relation to the imaginations developed by the communities to face this type of traumatic episodes, expressed in different printed publications in Buenos Aires such as El mosquito, El inválido argentino, Revista del Río de La Plata, Caras y Caretas, Fray Mocho, El Hogar and La vida moderna. The empirical approach is based on conceiving the press as fundamental actors in the construction of an agenda in public opinion, being protagonists of reality more than mere exhibitors. Hence, we consider that the selected publications offer us clues to dimension their resonances in the local scene, in times when the medical scientific paradigm was going through instances of redefinitions, in the passage from the miasmatic theory to microbiotics.

This paper reviews the ways in which sexual violence against minors was judged towards the end of the colonial period in the Rio de la Plata region. We will attend to the treatment and the role assigned to the bodies of the victims in each case, for which we address two judicial files. In one, a series of abuses committed against a group of men were investigated, while in the other the rape perpetrated against a girl was tried. We propose to investigate the ways in which, within these judicial writings, female and male corporality’s were perceived, named, and judged considering the characteristics of the selected cases.

The article explores the formation of academic field of labor law in one of the three Argentine universities where the crystallization of specific areas related to its research and technical implementation took place: Universidad Nacional del Litoral. First, the paper reviews the dynamics that influence the beginnings and formation of this legal knowledge. Second, it focuses on the trajectory of one of the pioneers in labour law in Argentina, Mariano Tissembaum, and the Labour Law Institute he founded in 1938. Through its publications, networks and the debates in which is inserted, during the decades of 1930 and 1940, the paper presents some preliminary progress that account not only the dynamics of formation of an academic field but also of a social consensus and the conditions of possibility that converted it in a technical knowledge summoned from the State.

This paper explores the economic, political and social situation in the Yucatan peninsula using the consular correspondence of the French legation maintained by the various consuls who occupied the post between 1832 and 1850 in Campeche port, localized in the Mexico Gulf: Renon, d´Hauterive, Faramond and Laisné de Villevêque. The information presented into their letters to the successive plenipotentiaries’ ministers of France in Mexico. On one hand, this paper highlights the first impressions they emit and have a common and constant denominator: corruption and smuggling; on the other hand, the monopole of logwood exploitation divides an oligarchic merchant class and finally a peninsula always get into a fight where enemies depend on interest of their leaders.

Recent reflections on how it is possible for the liberal-conservative ideology to occupy once again a central place in the region's political agendas, even after the popular outbursts that challenged the so-called Washington Consensus and the emergence of diverse experiences of progressive governments in the 2000’s, have opened up new questions within the field of right-wing studies regarding the originality (or not) of the current phenomenon. Understanding that the term right-wing encompasses broad and diverse actors, this article focuses on the defenders of liberalism, and in particular on Mario Vargas Llosa and the Fundación Internacional para la Libertad, the think tank network he has chaired since 2002. In this paper, we concede that the current right-wing ideology is part of a historical process that has a key milestone during the 1980s, with Thatcherism, Reaganism and the neoliberal program and philosophy that were implemented in Latin American at that time. However, from the 2000’s onwards, a process of concentration of forces and exchange of resources, both material and symbolic, took place. This allowed to renew the collective-action repertoire in defense of the contested program. According to the analysis of the awards and recognitions given to the Peruvian writer and the study of the Fundación Internacional para la Libertad, we seek to demonstrate that the trajectory of the novelist shows a wide broadening of his socialization and recognition network at the beginning of the new millennium. This led to the consolidation of his role as the Latin American reference in the defense of liberalism. This shift occurred after he joined, being the president of the International Foundation for Freedom, the network of institutes and think tanks that were collectively organized to dispute in the cultural and ideological battlefield. This study leads us to think that if, on the one hand, there is no real novelty in the neoliberal offensive that started at the turn of the 2000’s; on the other hand, the confluence of conflicts caused by the « conservative modernization » program and the junction of forces, material and symbolic resources and repertoires show a conjunctural condensation and consolidation that reveals the strategic plasticity and resilience of neoliberalism.

The following paper aims to analyze the theatrical managements developed by Rodolfo Graziano at the Teatro Nacional Cervantes and by Kive Staiff at the Teatro Municipal General San Martín during the last Argentine civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983). We will focus on two axes of analysis: the transformations in the repertory systems of both official institutions during the government of the Military Juntas and the selection criteria of the theater directors who were part of their programming during the same period. The article will elaborate a perspective that shows the contradictory processes of the dynamics of stage production in the state sphere in connection with the cultural policy deployed by the authoritarian regime.

This paper characterizes the heterogeneity of business chambers in the Argentine fishing industry. This activity is important not only because of the foreign currency it generates, but also because of the labor market associated with it. However, at present, little information is available on the business sector of this important economic activity. Moreover, current social science research on the Argentine fishing industry mainly deals with the role of employees, their trade associations, unions and labor conflicts. Methodologically, we worked with secondary sources and interviews with representatives of the business chambers to characterize the sector and to know how they are grouped and organized. In this way, the history and genesis of the different economic agents of the fishing activity at present is approached.

Visual image was of crucial importance when perceiving and giving meaning to the native populations of those lands to which Europe was arriving, both in its first (15th and 16th Centuries) and second expansión (17th to 18th Centuries). This paper aims to show how visual media have a logic, possibilities and limitations that are specific to them, and that have had significant influence on the West’s prevailing image of those indigenous peoples. The object of this paper is to show the existence and characteristics of four great visual archetypes about the American Indian, beginning in the 16th Century and reaching our days. Four achetypes thar are not incompatible with each other, even though they have very different social and political implications.

The article analyzes the emergence of Correo Mayor appointments in the Spanish-American world, and demonstrates how the establishment of royal mail concessions in the Indies spearheaded the circulation of correspondence across varied distances in the empire. The paper explores the establishment of an extensive communication circuit between Seville, Madrid, Lima, Mexico, Guatemala and other cities, and interrogates how the actions of officially-appointed Correos Mayores, their lieutenants, and other agents acted as communicative poles that enabled the distribution of correspondence across the globe. The model become highly perfectible and included the widespread employment of non-officials, a facet that Castilian monarchs never sanctioned as an illegal practice. The paper argues that from the 16th century onwards, "American" versions of royal concessions of the Correo Mayor became a strategy to confront and solve the vast distance that resulted from Europe's connection with the "enormous" New World (and vice versa).

The rivalry between Quito and Guayaquil is a long-term issue and has often been assessed by the Ecuadorian historiography. This paper aims at treating this question from a short-term perspective, by focusing on two events that came about in the wake of the Liberal Revolution, the expulsion of the liberal senator Felicísimo López from the Senate in 1894 and the proclamation of the liberal leader Eloy Alfaro as Supreme Leader of the Republic in Guayaquil in 1895. These two events did not just crystallize the conflict between conservatives and liberals, but also stirred up a debate on the relationship between the two main cities of Ecuador and on the status of Quito as the capital of the Republic. The analysis of this debate will be based on the conflicting perspectives supported by the liberal press of Guayaquil and the conservative press of Quito.

This paper makes a historiographical study of the direction role. Our perspective values territorial contagion, and cultural processes of mediation and transmission of knowledge, scenic practices, actions on the social world, modes of group organization, and theatre traditions. Our approach starts on the origin of the direction role in Europe – with the beginning of mise en scène as an autonomous art –, at the end of 19th century, and concludes on Buenos Aires coasts. There, in 1930, the modern theatre tradition was adopted and transformed, giving rise to the Independent Theatre movement. Afterwards, we analyze the historical studies of Córdoba, the “ciudad de fronteras” (“multi-border city”), encompassing from 19th century to the pre-dictatorship period. Our contribution builds bridges among the recent past – before the civic and military coup d'état –, the post-dictatorship past – corresponding to the Democratic Opening, and the 21st contemporary theatre.

This paper shows different ethnographic situations from the Aymara region of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia in which dogs, particularly black, act as protagonists of the threshold. The transit scenarios between the domestic and the wild; Health and illness; life and death, as well as the present and the past, acquire particular relevance for dogs. These dogs protect the cosmological doors, boundary spaces, and thresholds that the humans, souls, or ceremonial entities traverse in the Altiplano.

In 1973, in Argentina, the return of democracy was marked by the attempts to strengthen the State against civil society, rehabilitating the political sphere as a place to settle social conflicts. The Pacto Social, the chosen tool for containing the intersectoral conflicts for income distribution, sought to rehabilitate legitimate political actors – such as unions – that could contain the class struggle. In the previous years, however, opposition to traditional Peronist union leaderships had been developed in factories and at all levels of the organization. The union became one of the places where social tension was manifested. The emergence of new political identities and new collective actors that claimed and re-signified the image of the first Peronism generated internal disputes within the Peronist Movement that intensified the social tension.However, the growing opposition among the rank-and-file was heterogeneous and did not manage to mobilize all the workers: the workers' organization in the factories was “crossed” by different contradictions. In this paper, we will analyze how these different elements interacted in the conflict at the Yelmo factory in La Matanza, during the second half of the year.

In the period between the two world wars, many parties and fascist movements had its own foreign policy, embodied in party institutions as the fasci all'estero, the NSDAP-AO, the Servicio Exterior de la Falange and others.These organizations had as a central function to gather the nationals living abroad and to spread the fascist ideology among them. They were used as instruments for controlling of opponents who have taken refuge beyond national borders and for propaganda among emigrants and also foreigners. Finally, in many cases, they exercised spying or information gathering functions and served as privileged channels for contacts with supporters and friends abroad.The purpose of this paper is to present the main fascist transnational networks working in the Latin American continent, namely the Italian, German and Spanish, and discuss their similarities and differences. In addition, it will seek to address their influence and importance in the formation of native fascism and the relationship between them. Finally, the paper tries to deal with the Latin-American network of the parties and fascist movements, mainly the Integralism´s Secretariado Nacional de Relações com o Exterior.

By royal decree in 1769 the neighbourhood mayors (alcaldes de barrio) were introduced in Valladolid, one year after Madrid. This was the most important reform of the urban police force in Enlightenment Spain. These agents of order, widely considered to be the origins of the contemporary civil police force, were to remain in the city of the Pisuerga until 1844, with reforms and adjustments during the War of Independence, the Liberal Triennium and the Reign of Isabella II.This paper will set out the neighbourhood mayors, their social origins, jurisdiction and role (which were not confined to policing) and daily activities. It will underline both the similarities and differences with the Madrid model, as well as continuities and changes over time. The rich documentation held in the Archive of the Royal Chancellery of Valladolid (Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Valladolid) provides a mass of detail, and this paper pays special attention to the neighbourhood mayors as they were established in the eighteenth century, that is to say under the authority of the crime mayors (alcaldes del crimen).

Using declassified documents and press, the paper reconstructs the history and development of the First Congress against the Soviet intervention in Latin America, an event that took place in May 1954 in Mexico City, as part of an operation led by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States to overthrow the regime of Juan Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala. Against the idea of almost perfect machinery, the paper emphasizes the improvisation of the event and the little coordination between actors, highlighting the heterogeneity of anti-communist positions and the need of the CIA to build a network for future operations.