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This paper aims to analyze the use made by Miguel Reale of Carl Schmitt’s thought to legally legitimize the civil-military coup d’État in Brazil in 1964. We argue that Reale’s political thought evolved from fascist corporatism during his youth, towards a political thinking that was still authoritarian, but henceforth stripped of its fascist references and now based on a sophisticated philosophical and legal conceptual tool, in which the Schmittian concepts occupy a central place. To examine the use of Schmitt by Reale, we will examine the work of both: from the first, Political Theology (1922), The concept of the political (1927) and The Guardian of the Constitution (1928); from the second, his memoirs Destinos Cruzados and A Balança e a Espada (1987) and Imperativos da revolução de março (1964). This paper is divided into three parts. In the first, we examine some theoretical and methodological assumptions on which we relied to carry out our analyzes; in the second, we focus on the work of Carl Schmitt, highlighting the main concepts appropriate by Miguel Reale; in the third, finally, we analyze how Reale operationalized them to explain and, above all, to legitimize the military seizure of power in 1964.

This paper aims to analyze the use made by Miguel Reale of Carl Schmitt’s thought to legally legitimize the civil-military coup d’État in Brazil in 1964. We argue that Reale’s political thought evolved from fascist corporatism during his youth, towards a political thinking that was still authoritarian, but henceforth stripped of its fascist references and now based on a sophisticated philosophical and legal conceptual tool, in which the Schmittian concepts occupy a central place. To examine the use of Schmitt by Reale, we will examine the work of both: from the first, Political Theology (1922), The concept of the political (1927) and The Guardian of the Constitution (1928); from the second, his memoirs Destinos Cruzados and A Balança e a Espada (1987) and Imperativos da revolução de março (1964). This paper is divided into three parts. In the first, we examine some theoretical and methodological assumptions on which we relied to carry out our analyzes; in the second, we focus on the work of Carl Schmitt, highlighting the main concepts appropriate by Miguel Reale; in the third, finally, we analyze how Reale operationalized them to explain and, above all, to legitimize the military seizure of power in 1964.

The aim of this paper is to illustrate the Americanist researcher about the archives and libraries in Lisbon in order to facilitate his work. Each archive appears with a list of suitable fonds of documents and other database. We also joint a list of bookshops and museums as a complement to the Americanist research’s work.

This paper aims to analyze the discourses of the dominant sectors and the municipal policies that were established in Bolivia in the 1930s and 1940s, and that sought to exclude from the public space the working women of the urban popular sectors with hygienist justifications. These discriminatory discourses and policies against women workers were at the origin of their organization in anarchist women’s unions, which were very active and mobilized in the public sphere during the 1930s and 1940s, a period of political effervescence in which the working-class sectors became crucial political actors, until the outbreak of the revolution in 1952. Through these discourses and municipal policies, the dominant sectors, whose authority was questioned after the Chaco War (1932-1935), tried to contain the social ascent of the subaltern sectors that were increasingly mobilized in the public sphere, including urban working-class women.

With the opening of the Atlantic routes and the encounter between Europeans and indigenous populations, several sources and information started to circulate about the inhabitants of the New World. Literary accounts, graphic representations and ethnographic objects began to be disseminated, greatly influencing the construction of stereotypical, generic and often ambiguous representations. The text focuses on the Brazilian context, considering objects – such as those made with feather and weapons – that are still quite popular in the global imaginary. The way Europeans perceived them, on the one hand reflected the contradictions of theological and philosophical speculation, while on the other hand bound them to the categories of wonder, curiosity and alterity. In this paper, we shall analyze how collecting these objects, their recontextualization and their comparison with literary and graphic sources influenced the way in which the European imaginary invented and freeze framed a composite portrait of indigenous people.

The pulp mills projects from Botnia in Uruguay are fueling fears about environment caring, competition among bordering countries and bitterness towards large transnational corporations. The pulp and paper industry, however, rests on a long history and a continued scientific research effort that allows proposing effective solutions to evolve into an economically and environmentally sustainable industry.

The pulp mills projects from Botnia in Uruguay are fueling fears about environment caring, competition among bordering countries and bitterness towards large transnational corporations. The pulp and paper industry, however, rests on a long history and a continued scientific research effort that allows proposing effective solutions to evolve into an economically and environmentally sustainable industry.

This paper analyzes the possibilities and the historiographic value of a choral-biographical approach to the history of the Royal Army of the Border of Chile during the 17th Century. It justifies, in the first place, the validity and opportunity of such approach. In the second place, it exposes one of the main problems for its application: many of the sources for Chilean military history in colonial times come from instances of power (political, religious, military) within a process of moral, social, and cultural organization of the soldiery, thereby blurring the normative system and values of the soldiers themselves. Consequently, the historiography of the Chilean army has favored a social approach and a longue durée timeframe, paying, therefore, more attention to social and economic structures than to individual trajectories. Finally, the paper exemplifies two ways for an alternative reading of the sources: reading between the lines and against the author's concept system; and normalize trivial, perhaps exceptional, details to bring to light practices, social dynamics, and identification processes. These are just two examples, among others, that point towards the possibility of give back an historical agency to the soldier and understand its construction from a collective dimension, halfway between the individual and the institutional.

This paper analyzes the possibilities and the historiographic value of a choral-biographical approach to the history of the Royal Army of the Border of Chile during the 17th Century. It justifies, in the first place, the validity and opportunity of such approach. In the second place, it exposes one of the main problems for its application: many of the sources for Chilean military history in colonial times come from instances of power (political, religious, military) within a process of moral, social, and cultural organization of the soldiery, thereby blurring the normative system and values of the soldiers themselves. Consequently, the historiography of the Chilean army has favored a social approach and a longue durée timeframe, paying, therefore, more attention to social and economic structures than to individual trajectories. Finally, the paper exemplifies two ways for an alternative reading of the sources: reading between the lines and against the author's concept system; and normalize trivial, perhaps exceptional, details to bring to light practices, social dynamics, and identification processes. These are just two examples, among others, that point towards the possibility of give back an historical agency to the soldier and understand its construction from a collective dimension, halfway between the individual and the institutional.

This paper analyzes the discussions that took place within the student movement during the transition to democracy in Uruguay regarding the "question of the university" and its future. As point of departure, it places the analysis on the perspectives expressed in one of the main student magazines of the period, in addition to testimonies from students, press material and a series of documents produced by different student fractions within the movement. The article focuses on framing techniques in dispute about alternative models for the University, the role of students in the transition to democracy and, more specifically, the tensions that arose between the possibility of either restring what was there before the coupe or renovating into the future. Transitional periods appear as particularly fertile ground for students to question university governance and to problematize the relationship between university and society. The paper shows the efficacy of using and evoking very general frames (such as autonomy and student participation in university governance), which suspended internal differences related to how to define those frames, their implications and how to put them in practice. Albeit efforts for imagining alternative models for the university existed, diagnostics and prognostics elements were predominant and, when prospective elements appeared, they were usually tied to the preauthorization past.

This paper analyzes the discussions that took place within the student movement during the transition to democracy in Uruguay regarding the "question of the university" and its future. As point of departure, it places the analysis on the perspectives expressed in one of the main student magazines of the period, in addition to testimonies from students, press material and a series of documents produced by different student fractions within the movement. The article focuses on framing techniques in dispute about alternative models for the University, the role of students in the transition to democracy and, more specifically, the tensions that arose between the possibility of either restring what was there before the coupe or renovating into the future. Transitional periods appear as particularly fertile ground for students to question university governance and to problematize the relationship between university and society. The paper shows the efficacy of using and evoking very general frames (such as autonomy and student participation in university governance), which suspended internal differences related to how to define those frames, their implications and how to put them in practice. Albeit efforts for imagining alternative models for the university existed, diagnostics and prognostics elements were predominant and, when prospective elements appeared, they were usually tied to the preauthorization past.

In this paper we inquire about the role that the Buenos Aires Police Department, created in 1821, and its agents had in the War with Brazil that involved the territories on both sides of the Río de la Plata between 1825 and 1828. We explore three modes of intervention of the Department: the tutelary function, associated with the control of loyalties of Portuguese and Brazilians in Buenos Aires before and during the conflict; the political and institutional function, linked to the activity of the Department to organize police stations in the Banda Oriental; and the penal function, which was deployed by various commissioners around Buenos Aires in the regulation and control of the forced labor of Portuguese prisoners. In order to examine these problems, we use unpublished documentation preserved in the police collection of the General Archive of the Nation of Argentina. We complement our analysis with published sources from the Banda Oriental, such as regulations, legislative collections, press and session diaries. Contributions of global history, as well as social history of the police and justice, and social labour history are paramount to review a problem that has not been considered part of the war conflict.

This paper focuses on the period of colonisation of Tierra del Fuego at the end of the 19th century and focuses on the actions of Thomas Bridges, an Anglican missionary, and Lucas Bridges, his son, a rancher with a good relationship with the native population. It analyses the continuity between them of certain conceptions of evangelisation – and its counterpart, civilisation – coming from the missionary milieus in which the father had been trained and acted, as well as the mutations and re-elaborations of some of its components in the son's actions.

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro administration helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro administration top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro government helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro government's top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

This paper focuses on the period of colonisation of Tierra del Fuego at the end of the 19th century and focuses on the actions of Thomas Bridges, an Anglican missionary, and Lucas Bridges, his son, a rancher with a good relationship with the native population. It analyses the continuity between them of certain conceptions of evangelisation – and its counterpart, civilisation – coming from the missionary milieus in which the father had been trained and acted, as well as the mutations and re-elaborations of some of its components in the son's actions.

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro administration helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro administration top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro government helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro government's top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

In this paper we inquire about the role that the Buenos Aires Police Department, created in 1821, and its agents had in the War with Brazil that involved the territories on both sides of the Río de la Plata between 1825 and 1828. We explore three modes of intervention of the Department: the tutelary function, associated with the control of loyalties of Portuguese and Brazilians in Buenos Aires before and during the conflict; the political and institutional function, linked to the activity of the Department to organize police stations in the Banda Oriental; and the penal function, which was deployed by various commissioners around Buenos Aires in the regulation and control of the forced labor of Portuguese prisoners. In order to examine these problems, we use unpublished documentation preserved in the police collection of the General Archive of the Nation of Argentina. We complement our analysis with published sources from the Banda Oriental, such as regulations, legislative collections, press and session diaries. Contributions of global history, as well as social history of the police and justice, and social labour history are paramount to review a problem that has not been considered part of the war conflict.

The paper approaches ways in which the debates around the tax reform in Argentina were reflected and readjusted into municipal levels during the WWI economic crisis. By taking the case of Posadas, capital city of the national territory of Misiones, it proposes to observe how the new debates on the tax system and the municipal attributions to establish a more progressive levy were reflected from the local newspaper La Tarde. Through this analyses it is sustained that the issues discussed show the circulation of ideas according to which municipalities were conceived as government institutions provided with the necessary attributions to introduce tax reforms or redirect their tax policies based on a progressive levy, and also regulate the prices of basic foodstuffs, in order to favor low-income sectors affected by the crisis. Likewise, we argue that although these conceptions were nurtured by widespread economic ideas such as Georgism, they also received influence from the experiences of other municipalities that worked as models of what could be done. In this context, municipal initiatives can be understood as inserted in a wider field of discussions over the scope of municipal capacities during the crisis and not only as local responses.

The aim of this article is to analyse how the justices of the peace were selected in the city of Buenos Aires from the second period of Juan Manuel de Rosas' government onwards. To do so, we problematize the transformations of the functions of justice, government and police in the city during the first half of the 19th century. Our interest is to demonstrate how the Rosas government made concrete its efforts to position trusted officials in the lower courts of the city, the mechanisms to implement this strategy and the success (or not) of the initiative in the short and long term. The paper first details the functions of justices of the peace and police commissioners as agents of justice and local government. Secondly, it discusses the importance of the documentary archive of the General Archive of the Nation, specifically the classification cards of 1835, describing what they consisted of and how they were made. Finally, we analyse the role played by these cards in the election of candidates and establish the sociographic profiles of the justices of the peace elected to the judiciary in 1836.

The aim of this article is to analyse how the justices of the peace were selected in the city of Buenos Aires from the second period of Juan Manuel de Rosas' government onwards. To do so, we problematize the transformations of the functions of justice, government and police in the city during the first half of the 19th century. Our interest is to demonstrate how the Rosas government made concrete its efforts to position trusted officials in the lower courts of the city, the mechanisms to implement this strategy and the success (or not) of the initiative in the short and long term. The paper first details the functions of justices of the peace and police commissioners as agents of justice and local government. Secondly, it discusses the importance of the documentary archive of the General Archive of the Nation, specifically the classification cards of 1835, describing what they consisted of and how they were made. Finally, we analyse the role played by these cards in the election of candidates and establish the sociographic profiles of the justices of the peace elected to the judiciary in 1836.

The paper approaches ways in which the debates around the tax reform in Argentina were reflected and readjusted into municipal levels during the WWI economic crisis. By taking the case of Posadas, capital city of the national territory of Misiones, it proposes to observe how the new debates on the tax system and the municipal attributions to establish a more progressive levy were reflected from the local newspaper La Tarde. Through this analyses it is sustained that the issues discussed show the circulation of ideas according to which municipalities were conceived as government institutions provided with the necessary attributions to introduce tax reforms or redirect their tax policies based on a progressive levy, and also regulate the prices of basic foodstuffs, in order to favor low-income sectors affected by the crisis. Likewise, we argue that although these conceptions were nurtured by widespread economic ideas such as Georgism, they also received influence from the experiences of other municipalities that worked as models of what could be done. In this context, municipal initiatives can be understood as inserted in a wider field of discussions over the scope of municipal capacities during the crisis and not only as local responses.

On May 1st, 2014 members of the historical memory team from the Aranzadi Sciences Society arrived in Oropesa de Toledo. The objective: to locate two mass graves containing the remains of Republicans killed in the weeks after Franco’s troops entered the town in 1936. Despite evidence regarding the mass graves’ existence, they were never found. Drawing on empirical, ethnographic data collected in the town of Oropesa in the months following this «unsuccessful» exhumation, this paper narrates this curious story of two graves that have «gone missing». It considers the intellectual labor exerted to produce historical knowledge in a context where municipal archives remain inaccessible and family histories are marked by silence and dis-information. The author suggests that the absence of information – the dearth of historical, narrative evidence – regarding the lives of the defeated makes the production of historical and forensic knowledge a complicated affair. It tracks how kin-based knowledge and scarce archival documents are gathered and animated in order to make exhumations possible. Considering the forms of knowledge that are needed in order to engage techno-scientific expertise in meaningful ways, the paper attends to the important role that kin-based knowledge and seemingly «unimportant» documents play in processes of historical enunciation.

On May 1st, 2014 members of the historical memory team from the Aranzadi Sciences Society arrived in Oropesa de Toledo. The objective: to locate two mass graves containing the remains of Republicans killed in the weeks after Franco’s troops entered the town in 1936. Despite evidence regarding the mass graves’ existence, they were never found. Drawing on empirical, ethnographic data collected in the town of Oropesa in the months following this «unsuccessful» exhumation, this paper narrates this curious story of two graves that have «gone missing». It considers the intellectual labor exerted to produce historical knowledge in a context where municipal archives remain inaccessible and family histories are marked by silence and dis-information. The author suggests that the absence of information – the dearth of historical, narrative evidence – regarding the lives of the defeated makes the production of historical and forensic knowledge a complicated affair. It tracks how kin-based knowledge and scarce archival documents are gathered and animated in order to make exhumations possible. Considering the forms of knowledge that are needed in order to engage techno-scientific expertise in meaningful ways, the paper attends to the important role that kin-based knowledge and seemingly «unimportant» documents play in processes of historical enunciation.

In this paper, I argue that the beginnings of modern archaeology in the Andes entailed the transformation of the peasant and Indigenous spatialities of which pre-Columbian buildings were a part, a task for which looking at the margins of the visual archives produced during the first decades of the twentieth century is necessary. To this end, I analyze some little-studied records from the visual archive of German engineer Hans Heinrich Brüning (1848-1928) and offer new ways to expand our knowledge of his archive and thus enrich debates about the origins of modern Andean archaeology. Likewise, I incorporate several works that have looked at his life, his works, and his later influence, as well as perspectives from critical geography that analyze the division and control of space in contexts of early capitalism. In this way, I conclude by proposing some ideas for thinking about the origins of Andean archaeology as part of broader projects utilizing local regimes of spatiality. Including specific images from Brüning's expanded archive in our readings of the history of archaeology will provide access to the tensions of representation that emerged during the first decades of the twentieth century.

In this paper we seek to explore the struggles for dignity at work among unionized Latin American women in Spain. As activists of Sindihogar, the first independent feminist union of household and care work in Spain, we propose an interdisciplinary analysis of the current situation and the present resistance. According to the prognosis of growing aging in Spain, an increased need for dependency care is predicted. Women from Latin America are overrepresented in the household care sector. Currently, this group is sustaining the most vulnerable residents, living in the margins of European postcolonial society. To this end, from both legal and anthropological perspectives, we analyze the context of this collective's life and struggle, the legal framework in which they operate, and the strategies of resistance they are developing. Sindihogar presents itself as a privileged space for analyzing the creation of a safe space for identity-building for women marginalized by different axes of oppression: gender, race and class.

In this paper we seek to explore the struggles for dignity at work among unionized Latin American women in Spain. As activists of Sindihogar, the first independent feminist union of household and care work in Spain, we propose an interdisciplinary analysis of the current situation and the present resistance. According to the prognosis of growing aging in Spain, an increased need for dependency care is predicted. Women from Latin America are overrepresented in the household care sector. Currently, this group is sustaining the most vulnerable residents, living in the margins of European postcolonial society. To this end, from both legal and anthropological perspectives, we analyze the context of this collective's life and struggle, the legal framework in which they operate, and the strategies of resistance they are developing. Sindihogar presents itself as a privileged space for analyzing the creation of a safe space for identity-building for women marginalized by different axes of oppression: gender, race and class.

In this paper, I argue that the beginnings of modern archaeology in the Andes entailed the transformation of the peasant and Indigenous spatialities of which pre-Columbian buildings were a part, a task for which looking at the margins of the visual archives produced during the first decades of the twentieth century is necessary. To this end, I analyze some little-studied records from the visual archive of German engineer Hans Heinrich Brüning (1848-1928) and offer new ways to expand our knowledge of his archive and thus enrich debates about the origins of modern Andean archaeology. Likewise, I incorporate several works that have looked at his life, his works, and his later influence, as well as perspectives from critical geography that analyze the division and control of space in contexts of early capitalism. In this way, I conclude by proposing some ideas for thinking about the origins of Andean archaeology as part of broader projects utilizing local regimes of spatiality. Including specific images from Brüning's expanded archive in our readings of the history of archaeology will provide access to the tensions of representation that emerged during the first decades of the twentieth century.

This paper has as a starting point in an empirical classification, both oppositional and humorous, of the ideological life, which appeared in the mid-twentieth century in a small town that was a favored summer resort of the old Argentine “criollo” elites. The “Kremlin” and the “Vatican” are the terms of the classification applied to two stately houses and clans in Villa General Mitre (now, Villa del Totoral), which this paper attempts to resituate as regards political categories (amongst them, left/ right ), political practices, and society. The conjecture is that this elaboration can be read in terms of an ideological comedy within the elites; whose terms direct, but also distort, displace, erase…, precisely because the comedy, as well as the enclave, accomplishes a relevant function in the reproduction of the group.

This paper has as a starting point in an empirical classification, both oppositional and humorous, of the ideological life, which appeared in the mid-twentieth century in a small town that was a favored summer resort of the old Argentine “criollo” elites. The “Kremlin” and the “Vatican” are the terms of the classification applied to two stately houses and clans in Villa General Mitre (now, Villa del Totoral), which this paper attempts to resituate as regards political categories (amongst them, left/ right ), political practices, and society. The conjecture is that this elaboration can be read in terms of an ideological comedy within the elites; whose terms direct, but also distort, displace, erase…, precisely because the comedy, as well as the enclave, accomplishes a relevant function in the reproduction of the group.

Elias Al-Mawsili, a Chaldean cleric from Baghdad, traveled to the American continent and based there from 1675 to 1683. The lack of accounts of non-Western travelers to the American continent has attracted our attention to the underlying incentives of his journeys. His travel narrative is the oldest known Arabic manuscript of the New World. This research focuses on how the account of this Arab traveler differs from Western representations and foregrounds. It also features the approach on how Al-Mawsili portrays the Amerindian and the Spanish settlers. This draft traces Al-Mawsili's travels from Baghdad to Europe and then his arrival to America. The study approaches his descriptions of large parts of the south to the center of the American continent and emphasizes themes as the hunt of gold, the avarice of the Spaniards, the perils and the adventure in America. In addition, the article considers the candidness of Al-Mawsili's observations by highlighting the means used in his accounts, especially informative, descriptive, and anecdotal. This paper discusses the reasons about why this narrative has been forgotten for many years.

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between political language and political traditions; more specifically, we are interested in the relationship between kirchnerist´s speeches and the republican tradition. Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez’s speeches have long been associated with the notion of populism. Because of this, any connection to the republican concepts was unthought-of or highly unlikely. Our starting point seeks to explain links, bonds and contradictions between these governments and republican concepts. Thus, it appears to be of fundamental importance to know the republican concepts that former presidents take up, and understand how to put in dialogue these interpretations with meaning constructions used by former political leaders. In other words, we are interested in developing the relationship between concepts, history and politics.Based on the proposal of the conceptual history of Reinhart Koselleck, we will seek to know the interpretations that were made of republican concepts in national history, to show the speeches’ bonds between political projects of a very different nature. We are not only interested to learn about the relationship between Kirchnerism and republicanism, but also know the implied bonds that this political force stands by with previous political projects.

Elias Al-Mawsili, a Chaldean cleric from Baghdad, traveled to the American continent and based there from 1675 to 1683. The lack of accounts of non-Western travelers to the American continent has attracted our attention to the underlying incentives of his journeys. His travel narrative is the oldest known Arabic manuscript of the New World. This research focuses on how the account of this Arab traveler differs from Western representations and foregrounds. It also features the approach on how Al-Mawsili portrays the Amerindian and the Spanish settlers. This draft traces Al-Mawsili's travels from Baghdad to Europe and then his arrival to America. The study approaches his descriptions of large parts of the south to the center of the American continent and emphasizes themes as the hunt of gold, the avarice of the Spaniards, the perils and the adventure in America. In addition, the article considers the candidness of Al-Mawsili's observations by highlighting the means used in his accounts, especially informative, descriptive, and anecdotal. This paper discusses the reasons about why this narrative has been forgotten for many years.

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between political language and political traditions; more specifically, we are interested in the relationship between kirchnerist´s speeches and the republican tradition. Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez’s speeches have long been associated with the notion of populism. Because of this, any connection to the republican concepts was unthought-of or highly unlikely. Our starting point seeks to explain links, bonds and contradictions between these governments and republican concepts. Thus, it appears to be of fundamental importance to know the republican concepts that former presidents take up, and understand how to put in dialogue these interpretations with meaning constructions used by former political leaders. In other words, we are interested in developing the relationship between concepts, history and politics.Based on the proposal of the conceptual history of Reinhart Koselleck, we will seek to know the interpretations that were made of republican concepts in national history, to show the speeches’ bonds between political projects of a very different nature. We are not only interested to learn about the relationship between Kirchnerism and republicanism, but also know the implied bonds that this political force stands by with previous political projects.

The aim of this paper is to study the limits of the Americanisation of knowledge. Following the expedition led by Francisco Hernández in Mexico, and the fate of the manuscripts produced during it, the paper focuses on all the ruptures, flaws, and misunderstandings that disrupted or made impossible the European appropriation of American knowledge. It shows that, paradoxically, it was because Francisco Hernández went very far in the adoption of Indian thought that his Natural History could not be accepted by his contemporaries. It reveals, finally, that the political stakes of Spanish settlement in Americas inhibited the transmission of that knowledge.

The aim of this paper is to study the limits of the Americanisation of knowledge. Following the expedition led by Francisco Hernández in Mexico, and the fate of the manuscripts produced during it, the paper focuses on all the ruptures, flaws, and misunderstandings that disrupted or made impossible the European appropriation of American knowledge. It shows that, paradoxically, it was because Francisco Hernández went very far in the adoption of Indian thought that his Natural History could not be accepted by his contemporaries. It reveals, finally, that the political stakes of Spanish settlement in Americas inhibited the transmission of that knowledge.

In 1937 was published a prison reform Project for the brasilian capital entitled Cidade Penitenciária do Rio de Janeiro. From an architectural point of view, this “prison-city” did not present differences with its predecessors nor did it present itself as an urbanization. The proposal of its author, the architect Adelardo Caiuby, gathered his experience as creator of the São Paulo Model Leprosário (1918) whose main idea was that the patients, confined for a long time in the hospital, lead a life similar to the one they had out of isolation. That idea – in theory – was the one that Caiuby tried to transfer to the penitentiary sphere, although he finally did it with a traditional architectural prison design. In this paper we will delve into the meanings of the city metaphor that some state agents believed appropriate to solve prison problems. What were the conditions like in the federal district penitentiaries in 1930? Who were the agents in charge of finding solutions? What experiences did they have? What was the specific operating proposal for that city? How was it different from other existing prisons? These are some of the questions that guide this work.

This paper aims to examine the mapuche considerations about magical aggression in the context of interethnic relations established in the arauco-pampean area. The indigenous witchcraft beliefs are an interpretative system about the origin of the misfortune which had to be adjusted to incorporate within its boundaries the wingka otherness, native denomination of the European invaders. On the subject, the historical sources provide data that would seem contradictory at first sight. On the one hand, the indigenous people consider the wingka incapable of mastering the means necessary to carry out the magical aggression. On the other the belief that certain wingka would be capable of resorting to supernatural means to unleash epidemics. We seek to analyze these sources to deepen our conception of the indigenous perception of wingka otherness and how it was incorporated into their interpretative schemes about the origin of misfortune within the ethnogenetic process triggered by the European invasion.

Those objects that pretend to be simple and banal in appearance, often have unsuspected depths, since out of their most obvious function they can hide endless numerous nooks, interstices and secrets. This is the case of the 16th to 19th century iron harpoon from the coast of the Atacama Desert in northern Chile. A sophisticated object assembled from multiple parts, hardly studied and never discussed, its uniqueness is that it possesses a pre-Columbian design combined with European materials. The following paper reveals an unknown find deposited in the British Museum in London, from which a reflection on the role of hybrid harpoons as a mechanism for resolving the technical and cultural tensions produced by the encounter between native residents and European outsiders in a littoral scenario.

This paper is part of the conclusions of a research aimed to identify the origins and conditions of production of visual brands in Colombia in the first three decades of the XX century. Following the consolidation and analysis of the image corpus we identified several trends, which were established and developed during the research period, being the “graphic mixing” the one more closely related to the circulation of people, practices, ideas and goods. To deconstruct these phenomena, we engage it in three parts: the reasons behind the use of European visual codes, the way in which these codes were introduced in the country’s visual language, and the stages leading to the “graphic crossbreeding”.

This paper is part of the conclusions of a research aimed to identify the origins and conditions of production of visual brands in Colombia in the first three decades of the XX century. Following the consolidation and analysis of the image corpus we identified several trends, which were established and developed during the research period, being the “graphic mixing” the one more closely related to the circulation of people, practices, ideas and goods. To deconstruct these phenomena, we engage it in three parts: the reasons behind the use of European visual codes, the way in which these codes were introduced in the country’s visual language, and the stages leading to the “graphic crossbreeding”.

In 1937 was published a prison reform Project for the brasilian capital entitled Cidade Penitenciária do Rio de Janeiro. From an architectural point of view, this “prison-city” did not present differences with its predecessors nor did it present itself as an urbanization. The proposal of its author, the architect Adelardo Caiuby, gathered his experience as creator of the São Paulo Model Leprosário (1918) whose main idea was that the patients, confined for a long time in the hospital, lead a life similar to the one they had out of isolation. That idea – in theory – was the one that Caiuby tried to transfer to the penitentiary sphere, although he finally did it with a traditional architectural prison design. In this paper we will delve into the meanings of the city metaphor that some state agents believed appropriate to solve prison problems. What were the conditions like in the federal district penitentiaries in 1930? Who were the agents in charge of finding solutions? What experiences did they have? What was the specific operating proposal for that city? How was it different from other existing prisons? These are some of the questions that guide this work.

This paper aims to examine the mapuche considerations about magical aggression in the context of interethnic relations established in the arauco-pampean area. The indigenous witchcraft beliefs are an interpretative system about the origin of the misfortune which had to be adjusted to incorporate within its boundaries the wingka otherness, native denomination of the European invaders. On the subject, the historical sources provide data that would seem contradictory at first sight. On the one hand, the indigenous people consider the wingka incapable of mastering the means necessary to carry out the magical aggression. On the other the belief that certain wingka would be capable of resorting to supernatural means to unleash epidemics. We seek to analyze these sources to deepen our conception of the indigenous perception of wingka otherness and how it was incorporated into their interpretative schemes about the origin of misfortune within the ethnogenetic process triggered by the European invasion.

Those objects that pretend to be simple and banal in appearance, often have unsuspected depths, since out of their most obvious function they can hide endless numerous nooks, interstices and secrets. This is the case of the 16th to 19th century iron harpoon from the coast of the Atacama Desert in northern Chile. A sophisticated object assembled from multiple parts, hardly studied and never discussed, its uniqueness is that it possesses a pre-Columbian design combined with European materials. The following paper reveals an unknown find deposited in the British Museum in London, from which a reflection on the role of hybrid harpoons as a mechanism for resolving the technical and cultural tensions produced by the encounter between native residents and European outsiders in a littoral scenario.

The paper is based on the hypothesis that the Philippines was a territory colonized from New Spain and served as experience, accumulation, memory and practice for other spaces colonized from New Spain, mainly the North of Mexico and California. Although the Jesuits hegemonized the missionary-colonizing voice in those territories (the Philippines first, then the North), there were precedent ways of writing the natural history that the Jesuits knew, learned and, finally, appropriated and adapted. The paper presents one of the first attempts of writing the natural history of the Philippines, Antonio de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas – published in Mexico, in 1609, but written between 1595 and 1603 – to compare it with the first natural history of the Philippines produced by a Jesuit, Pedro Chirino, published in Rome, in 1604.