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Presents notes and memoranda on several issues concerning statistics and currency. Comments of Professor Young on the making of index numbers; Statistics of the old americans in 1920; Elimination of the paper mark as a standard of value in Germany.

The article explores the effect of currency reforms on German publishers. During first three post-World War II years, German publishers in the American Zone operated in an environment dominated by three factors. First, money was plentiful but goods were scarce, and publications were one of the few unrationed categories of available goods. Second, the war had left the public with a pent-up desire for reading material. Third, military government exercised considerable guidance and supervision over publications. A survey undertaken by Military Government in the spring of 1949 showed that the publishing industry reacted violently to various changed conditions, and provides a graphic illustration of the influence of economic factors on the content of mass communications. The institution of a free paper economy was effected within two weeks of the currency reform. While the post-currency reform rise in paper production provided periodicals with opportunities for greatly increased circulations, it did not lighten problems of the book publishing industry.

The aim of this study is to determine the criteria according to which world news presented in the Soviet Union-controlled press of Berlin, Germany is selected. Berlin of today, with its four sectors under U.S., British, Russian and French control respectively, offers a fertile field for the application of content analysis techniques developed in this country during the war. From the start of the quadripartite occupation Berliners have been aware that the press in the Soviet sector of Berlin differs radically from that in the sectors controlled by the Western Powers. Differences have not been confined to the editorial pages but have extended to the news columns. It is of particular importance to attempt to isolate criteria of selection at this time, since a critical news-print shortage limits nearly all German papers to one page or less of world news, and only a small percentage of available dispatches can be given space.

The article discusses the decline in German foreign exchange. According to the author, the paper currency in Germany may have increased, as well as the prices, and that the value in foreign currency of the German mark decreased. He explains that paper currency indicates the poverty of a country. The movement and changes in the foreign exchange in New York and in Great Britain illustrated the changed state of affairs in exchange. Because there were only few commodities coming to Germany and cotton shipments were being paid for, the exchange in New York decreased.

The article comments on the paper "Waiting and the Period of Production," by Robert Dofman in the August 1959 issue of the "Quarterly Journal of Economics." Just as postwar West Germany has been a leading example of a comparatively unregulated economy, so it has been a principal source of academic literature extolling the virtues of competitive markets and economic co-ordination via unregulated prices. A flood of crusading books, pamphlets and papers attests to the numbers and energies of economists whose social theories and policy recommendations differ radically from those for which their homeland was earlier famous. Neoliberal teachings do not constitute a completely standardized product; disagreement on matters of detail is common and that on more important questions is not rare. But, on the whole, agreement--and repetition--is impressive. The West German crusade is perhaps the outstanding example of non-socialist academicians banding together to fight for and against economic programs.

The article offers news briefs including one on the annual meeting of the Verein für Socialpolitik that was to take place at Frankfurt on September 28-29, 1888 where prominent professors would present papers on usury in agricultural districts. The volume of cotton produced in the U.S. for the year 1887-1888 exceeded 7,000,000 bales, the largest ever produced in the U.S. Professor Lujo Brentano assumed the chair of political economy at the University of Vienna.

The article summarizes views of various economists about neoliberalism in West Germany. Forty years ago several young economists were emphasizing the casual employment relationship characteristic of the new and growing manufacturing industries of the United States. Their studies disclosed an average annual labor turnover in manufacturing of about 100 per cent, and rates of 200-400 per cent were not uncommon. The commitment, which a freshly hired worker and his employer felt toward each other, was usually very limited. There was an employment contract in the sense that the parties had an on-going relationship so long as both remained satisfied. However, the relationship was "casual" in that one of the two usually terminated it fairly quickly. Yet Indian workers have been slow to sever their village attachments, and as a result absenteeism remains high. Current absenteeism rates run about 6-8 per cent in major textile centers; 13-18 per cent in the minor ones; and 10-14 in iron and steel, engineering, cement, matches, leather, and ordnance factories.

Presents several books about the economic policy of Germany. "Geldversorgung, Preisniveau und reales wirtschaftswachstum bei alternativen Grundprinzipien der geldwirtschaftlichen Ordnung," by Friedrich H.; "Bibliography: Concentration Policy, 1960—1966," edited by Huffschmid J., Michaelis J. and Plan W. F.; "Das japanische Kartellrecht: FIW-Schriftenreihe No. 41," by Iyori J. H.; Others.

The study of mass communications can be divided into three parts: intent analysis, content analysis and effect analysis. This order not only reflects chronology. By placing content analysis in the middle position, it also highlights the contribution of that procedure to the other two, namely, to support inferences about intent on the one hand and effect or response on the other. This paper reports a number of special attempts to discern the intentions of enemy propaganda during World War II by means of rigorous analysis of the manifest content of the communications under control. Among the many other problems in the area of intent analysis is the problem of discovering whether two communications-controlling groups, formally related or not, actually collaborate in their propaganda output; and if so, under what conditions, in what ways, and to what extent. This is the general context of this study. Specifically, the subject of investigation was the nature of collaboration between the German and Italian propaganda ministries in their short-wave radio output beamed to North America just before and after the entry of the United States into the war.

The article focuses on German press after the freedom and refounding of democratic German newspapers, as of December 1, 1944. When German dictator Adolf Hitler took power in 1933, 2,243 of Germany's newspapers were directly connected with political parties. But Nazis could claim only about 100 party newspapers, and, of these, few had a circulation over 10,000. The two Catholic groups with less than half the number of votes, were represented by about six times as many newspapers. The Social Democratic Party, with a little more than half the number of votes, owned outright 148 newspapers and eighteen periodicals. The weakness of the labor press contributed to Hitler's rise in a passive but nevertheless in an important manner. Even under the Emperor and the Weimar Republic, four-fifths of these voters for labor parties subscribed to Nationalist newspapers, because these were cheaper, more sensational, had more news and, above all, appealed to women through more advertisements.

Perhaps the most significant characteristic of "totalitarian" regimes is the elevation to the status of the Germany's political faith. State-monopolized propaganda is substituted for the competition of ideologies to be found in the established pattern of representative government. This transformation requires the "coordination" of all instruments of opinion management, particularly the press, under the guidance of a central agency of the one-party state. The primary aim of government propaganda, however, is not so much to eliminate opportunities for direct and broadly effective criticism as to conquer the minds of the people. "Popular en-lightenment" seeks to produce demonstrations of civic approval, for "one cannot sit on bayonets." The task of staging manifestations of mass identification with the elite in power calls for expert handling of public opinion. The necessity of "dosing" propaganda "prudently" accounts largely for the fact that in Germany the former liberal press has not simply been stamped out by government decree.

The article focuses on the home-owning farmers and factory workers in the little country towns of Germany. They and their families are around four-fifths of all the German people and how they feel about things is a fact and a factor of importance. The peasant farmers are rich and getting richer every day. No matter who may be poor in Germany the home-owning farmers and factory operatives are rolling in wealth, such wealth as they never before enjoyed in all their lives. They are holders of the fluid capital accumulated in Germany in the long centuries since the Hanse towns began to create such wealth in Central Europe. They are the owners of bank account savings, stocks, bonds, notes, mortgages and other forms of bankable paper. When delay has wrought its deadliest damage, then it will be the owners of farm lands, water powers, mines, quarries and industrial plants, the owners of the producing properties in Germany, who must rebuild German civilization. According to the author, the peasant farmers like all untutored people in every land are opposed to taxes of any sort for any purpose whatsoever, but they will pay taxes to the last mark if only they can see a settled, certain way ahead. But no matter what taxes they pay into a Reparations fund they will pay them with no thought of revolution.

The article provides information on payments between states and public bodies in the 18th and early 19th centuries in Germany. In the eighteenth century and in the first years of the nineteenth century two methods of payment were used in transactions between states and public bodies such as subsidies or war levies: payment by cash and payment by bills of exchange. These two methods were used alternatively as well as simultaneously. Payments by mercantile paper between merchants were much more common in the eighteenth than in the nineteenth century, and bills had more economic functions at this time than later when other credit facilities were developed. It was therefore natural that bills were resorted to for payments between states and public bodies. But since bills were instruments of merchants it was often necessary, in order to effect the payments, to transform indebtedness between states into indebtedness of private individuals to states. The English subsidies to Prussia during the Seven Years War were paid partly by bills on Amsterdam and Hamburg, partly by gold and silver. During that war other payments were made, quite different in origin from those subsidies.

The article focuses on various papers which discuss railway management in Prussia, Germany. From one source and another the administration of the state railways of Prussia has been attacked on various points--as to the mechanical condition of the railways, as to the organization of the working force and the efficiency of the administrative machinery, and, finally, as to the training of the higher officials. The whole discussion seems to have begun with some articles published in the journal "National Zeitung" of Berlin in the summer and autumn of 1891. These articles attacked the state railways for inferiority in mechanical matters, and for a supposedly detrimental predominance, in the general management, of administrators having only a legal training. The general impression left on the outsider is that there have been some engineering and mechanical mistakes in the Prussian administration. But, doubtless, they have been exaggerated; and doubtless it would be difficult to make out any clear connection between them.

It has long been observed by social scientists and, more intuitively, by those who are concerned with the practical politics of public opinion, that one function of the mass media is to confer recognition on individuals or groups. Public recognition, in turn, when it comes from a "significant other" or an important reference group, may exercise an influence on the opinions and behavior of those who receive it. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role that recognition, as expressed through the mass media, played by influencing politically-significant behavior in one crisis situation—the Berlin blockade of 1948-49. Following the end of the Second World War, the city of Berlin in Germany was divided into four sectors, each of which was occupied by one of the four major powers. A full blockade of the land and water routes leading to the sectors occupied by the Western Allies was imposed by the Soviet Union in June 1948. Moscow's objective in doing this was apparently either to force the United States, Great Britain, and France to relinquish their position in Berlin, or else to obtain major concessions from them in West Germany.

The article presents a case study of the attitude of Russian workers in Germany during World War II, towards the problem of interpreting attitude survey data. As mentioned in the article, the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey found that the Russian workers were most anti-Germans during the war, based on responses given by French, Italian and Russian workers in Germany. However, as maintained by the authors, the same data may be interpreted, to mean that the Russian workers were actually more favorable to the Germans than were the other groups. This reinterpretation also appears to fit certain facts now available regarding foreign workers in Germany, better than does the interpretation put forward by the Bombing Survey. A possible explanation for the original interpretation is afforded by the theory that new data, including survey data, tend to be incorporated in an existing cognitive structure. Moreover, the complexity of international attitudes also contributes to the difficulty of interpreting statements of individuals as to what they think about other national groups.

The article focuses on efforts of a German legislator Gustav Stresemann to establish a peaceful alliance between Germany and France after the First Word War, as of June 1, 1944. Stresemann also won the Nobel Peace Prize for this initiative. The general estimate of Stresemann was that he was a sincere friend of peace, desirous of collaborating with his neighbors, the initiator of a new order. Nobel Prizeman seems to be denying French claim that the passive resistance was a government program inspired from Berlin, Germany. Modern apologists for Stresemann may say what they will, but not even they would maintain that the three verbs quoted constitute a program whose moral quality would be of the finest. The article analyzes Stresemann's diary, notes, letters and unconscious revelations, in an attempt to understand his psychology and ideas related to the initiative he took. According to the author, Stresemann was a safe, repentant sinner of the right, a good European and a safe bet for Allies.

The purpose of this present article is neither to attack nor to vindicate press control, but to furnish a systematic presentation of the ideology and mechanism of such regulation as developed by the German National Socialist Workers Party in Germany. In a totalitarian state the press bears a relation to the life of the people different from that in countries where other types of government obtain. To dismiss this differentiation by saying that press regulation is indefensible is to approach the problem with a closed mind. There is no connection between the old press laws and the new. The old law was based upon the legalistic concept of the state merely acting as policeman in the enforcement of the laws. The new role of the press is educational and its aims and activities must dovetail into those of the state, and the other cultural organizations. The person who has been born and reared amid a full freedom of the press may look upon press regulation. In spite of the strictures there are, however, compensating advantages.

The article discusses the relationships between the foreign trade and reparation payments of Germany in 1921. The relationship between the ability of Germany to pay reparations and its foreign trade showed an economic paradox. In order for the country to pay its reparations, its export trade must expand over imports. The opposite happened in the case of Germany. The factors that contributed to this reverse condition are mentioned, including depreciating exchange, rising prices and increased demand for credit. A discussion of the composition of the exports and import of the country is presented.

The article focuses on the financial mobilization strategy in Germany. The rapid industrial and commercial progress achieved by the German empire almost continuously since the middle of the 1890s was naturally followed by severe strain on credit resources which failed to allow for the possibilities of a political crisis. When in 1905, however, the first differences arose between France and Germany over the Morocco affair, the German government became aware of the dangers of such a heavy strain upon its monetary and credit system, and the problem of a financial mobilization was at once taken up. These facts should be borne in mind in order to understand the course of German banking legislation since 1906 and the banking policy of the German Reichsbank. In 1908, when the time approached to renew the charter of the Reichsbank, an official inquiry was held with the purpose of disclosing all means and ways to help in the policy of strengthening the German monetary system. Simultaneously with this legislation, which had in view the strengthening of the Reichsbank, German banking policy was extended to the private joint stock banks. Owing to this far-sighted policy credit, conditions in Germany improved materially.

The article focuses on mortgage banking in Germany. The mortgage establishments of Germany fall into two classes, the mutual credit associations, or associations of borrowers, and the mortgage banks, or associations of lenders. The conditions under which different credit associations are operating vary somewhat, but the Posener Landschaft and the Berliner Pfandbrief Institut can be taken as instances. The former was founded in 1822, and somewhat altered in 1857, and is a mutual association of which any owner of land having an assessed value of at least 4,000 marks could, from 1857 on, become a member by joining within ten years. The management of the association is in the hands of officials appointed by the government; and it is further supervised by the minister of agriculture and his representative, the government commissioner. The Berliner Pfandbrief Institut makes loans by handing to the borrower bonds of the same amount which he can sell. These are listed on the exchanges, and have a well-known market value.

The story of the Free Germans of World War II is a case in point, and may offer some insights into Russian methods of psychological warfare. Moscow's wartime use of the National Committee of Free Germans and the League of German Officers is of particular interest for two reasons. First, these two bodies served as vehicles for harnessing German sentiments of nationalism to Russian policy. Second, this episode provides another instance in which Soviet policy-makers chose to abandon orthodox Marxist-Leninist doctrine when it fitted their needs. It is difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of the propaganda efforts of the Free Germans. It seems that they hoped at best to get the people to rise against Hitler and put an end to the war. The Russians were not blind to German psychology, and tended to promote rather than hinder the internal opposition against Hitler. However, as events showed, a mass rising against the Nazi government did not occur.

Discusses stereotyping of Germans in occupied Germany by American journalists following the end of World War II. Identification of the so-called Nazi type of German; Description of pre- and post-war reportage on Germans which represents this stereotype; Representations of German youth; Psychological aspects of the German defeat; Notion of the collective guilt of Germans for the atrocities committed by Germany during the war; Attitudes toward antisemitism; Policy implications of recognizing stereotyping trends.

Education has been systematically and deliberately used in both Germany and Japan to force minds of young people and adults alike into the rigid mold of Axis ideology. Since the Imperial Japanese Department of Education, through its Bureau of Thought Supervision, has dispatched "thought supervisors" to the various provinces "for inspection, for guidance and for supervision in connection with thought matters." Japan has thereby woven a net in which the intellectual powers of her people are entangled. Germany has been equally zealous. No room is left for private opinion. The life and sports of students as well as the thought and conduct of teachers are brought within the system of regimentation. The declared purpose and program it again. When this war is won, the United Nations should be able to choose whether the educational systems of the Axis countries shall be allowed to lead into another war by the continued teaching of lies and false attitudes and values, or whether they shall be compelled to mend their ways.

Propaganda presupposes definition of sound policy, based upon comprehensible knowledge of the facts and of the political, military and economic situation and also of the enemy psychology. When a line of policy has been laid down, actual propaganda operations may be begun, but not before. First of all axioms of propaganda is that only truthful statements be made. Secondly, there must be no conflicting arguments, and this can only be ensured by close cooperation of all propagandists and by strict adherence to the policy defined. The political attitude of the United Nations with respect to Germany is extremely confusing. On the one hand, threats of indiscriminate reprisals and punishment are made. On the other hand, promise after promise is given equally indiscriminately to the "German people," according to which, after the war, no reprisals will be taken by the Allies and Germany will be received as a welcomed member of the commonwealth of nations.

This article focuses on the psychological dilemma suffered by many people during World War II. Pitted against each other in the war between Germany and Great Britain are the British Ministry of Information, established in September 1939 and the German Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, established in March 1933. The Reich Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda has been functioning at home and abroad. On the other hand, The British Ministry of Information's hectic career offers many lessons for the conduct of public relations for democracy in wartime. The Ministry of Information has been partially the result of British experiences of 1914-18. With the end of the war in 1918, the British propaganda effort subsided, and for almost twenty-one years no formal information organization disseminated British culture and political views systematically. The prevalent opinion in the British press was that younger and more liberal men coming to the front in the Ministry of Information, would bring the Ministry much closer to the press.

This article presents a bibliography related to propaganda and public opinion polls in the U.S. The book, "Democracy Through Public Opinion" by Harold Dwight Lasswell analyzes factors that may lead U.S. public opinion to exert democratic control over basic decisions. In "What Every Citizen Should Know About the Navy" by Hanson Weightman Baldwin, an Annapolis graduate and former naval officer, now military and naval specialist for the "New York Times" outlines the training and tasks of enlisted men and officers. He sketches their daily life, describes their quarters, notes their disciplines. Different types of naval vessels are described and sketched. A final chapter on naval strategy is illustrated with charts. A glossary of naval terms precedes an appendix of naval statistics. In the new edition of "Germany Prepares for War," Ewald Banse outlines the basic Nazi war plan in 1932. The author is a German geographer, appointed by the Nazis as Professor of Military Science at Brunswick Technical College.

The article discusses German propaganda through radio service in the U.S. during World War II. The German radio service for North America was instituted, on April 1933, American opinion had begun to be disturbed by the precipitous and strangely brutal descent of National Socialism on established institutions within the Reich, the first German empire. One month after the outbreak of war in 1939, a Gallup poll showed that nearly three-fourths of the American people wanted the Allies to win; less than two per cent favored a German victory. Always, Berlin broadcasters directed their efforts primarily toward "the masses." Reading its lesson from history and the newspapers of the day, the German radio sought to keep alive the fading tradition of American enmity for Great Britain. Most of the speakers tried to create an atmosphere in which the listener will believe that to accept the German point of view is merely to show sound judgment and homely common sense. In the months preceding the German aggression against Norway and Denmark, confidence in an Allied victory was high, and Americans who thought that the U.S. should extend more aid to the Allies were in a minority. The German radio devoted only a moderate amount of attention to specifically American attitudes. Its appeals were addressed to Americans as a, proud and moralistic people. German radio broadcasts had sought to mold opinion in the U.S. during nearly a year of war. In the fourteenth month of war, the chief difference between German broadcasts to Great Britain, an avowed enemy, and those to the U.S. was one of quantity rather than quality.

The article presents information on a controversy regarding the collapse of France during the Battle of France. Most of the spokesmen for this point of view had a clear realization that the Battle of France was lost and occupation of the metropolitan territory by the enemy inevitable. Though the truth was concealed from the public it was realized that France would not be able to stand the superiority of the German Army in armaments, numbers and tactics. The division of opinion was spread over two concepts. The first concept identifies France with a political abstraction: The Indivisible Republic. The ideal of the other party was "Eternal France," a mystical entity existing independently of regimes and frontiers but linked in some supra-logical way with the soil of France and French blood. It is the underlying psychological factor which explains the lack of initiative, paralyzing redtape and sheer neglect, so frequently and legitimately cited as the causes of France's failure to prepare adequately during the inactive phase of the war. According to the author in a democratic country there is an intimate relation between opinion and morale and the morale is good only when the fundamental principle of parliamentary democracy majority rule within constitutional and reasonable limits is observed.

The article presents that every nation has queer ideas about every other nation, but perhaps the queerest is the composite picture of the U.S. which the Nazis have drawn for German consumption. Since the German state has a monopoly on the printed word, this view of America, a caricature not devoid of humor, gives a slightly disturbing impression of authoritativeness. Americans may smile at some of the cruder distortions, but they should not underestimate the significance of official propaganda on the part of a powerful government. The Nazis see America as a rich, vulgar, corrupt, and basically uncultured land, owned by Jews, full of criminals, and clinging to a degenerate form of democracy. What is most deplorable in Nazi eyes, the Americans are neither a race nor a nation but a sort of racial conglomeration in which the best blood, which made the country powerful, is German. Racially, one Nazi authority on America writes that the Americans are a highly primitive people. Their culture is still in the kindergarten, and in every respect Americans behave like children.

This article focuses on the Nuremberg party rally which is now held in September of each year. According to the Nazi theory of the Volksfuhrerstaat theory, the leaders, as a natural elite, make decisions for which they bear complete responsibility, while followers follow faithfully. Although in theory only a party affair, it broadens into a "review of the German nation," to give expression to the Nazi theory of the Volksfuhrerstaat people's leader state, which, we are told, is a new and ennobled type of democracy. Over all it is dictator Adolf Hitler whose single will ultimately guide the followers. Between leader and follower there is said to be a strong bond of faith, love, and loyalty. Designed as the most striking demonstration of this theory, the Party Rally is not only the most important link between leader and follower and a place of accounting for leaders, but it is also intended to be a center of propaganda and political regeneration, a sounding board for announcements to Germany and to the world.

In no other war in history has propaganda played so important a part as in the world conflict of 1914-18. Although most of us know the extent to which the neutral countries were bombarded with propaganda from the civil authorities of the Allied and Central powers, few of us perhaps realize the importance placed upon propaganda as an instrument of warfare by the military authorities. The destruction of the enemy morale by the dissemination of defeatist, disheartening, and revolutionary leaflets, pamphlets, books and propaganda news sheets, was recognized as an important part of the offensive against the enemy. While the Allied artillery, for instance, was pounding the German troops with shells, the propaganda sections were bombarding these same troops and the German people behind the lines with arguments. The seriousness with which this attack of word bullets was regarded by the military machines on both sides, and the effect that Allied propaganda had upon the morale of the German troops and civilians behind the lines, is the story of the paragraphs that follow.

The article discusses the popularity of music therapy in various countries. In Brazil there are enthusiastic people dedicated to the development of music therapy and in South America, there was cooperative leadership and exchange of ideas. In England, there are therapists who uses unique approaches and techniques and in Holland there are new training programs based on NAMT education model. There are no unified movement in Germany and France in music therapy but it is getting popular in Norway.

This article focuses on the medical studies in Munich. It was situated near the Sendlinger Gate of the old walled city. This gate still stands and is only a short distance along the Lindwurm-strasse from the present building. Josef Lindwurm became Professor of Dermatology and Syphilology in 1859. The large building of the " Hautklinik " consists of an outpatient department with laboratories, consulting rooms and a fine library. In order to explain the teaching of dermatology in Munich it is necessary to consider the general plan of undergraduate teaching in medicine. The medical student is taught in an academic atmosphere and the main bulk of teaching consists of lectures.

The article discusses developments in the field of dermatology in Germany. In September 1953, the German Dermatological Society met in Frankfurt, and practically all fields of dermatology were considered. The problem whether morphology reveals aetiology crops up repeatedly in clinical description and histology. In a review, O. Gans, discussing connective tissue changes, denies the validity of considering the collagenoses as of a common aetiology. H. Hering and P. Scheid report two further cases and regard this disease picture, as others do, as a form, of sarcoidosis. H. Schuermann and O. Braun-Palco and B. Rathjens found eruptions closely related to cheilitis granulomatosa occurring also on the head.

The article is concerned with the development of youth hostels in Germany during the period in which German society was being reorganized under Nazi leadership. The typical hostel system tends to encourage and develop cosmopolitan attitudes among its members. Hostelers generally acquire some degree of international sympathy and understanding, a process strongly facilitated by the primary contacts that the youth hostel fosters. The article attempts to show, how the youth hostels in Germany have functioned to foster internationalism prior to the advent of the Nazis and how a change in the political ideology attendant upon the Nazi movement brought about corresponding changes in the ideology of the hostel system within Germany. It is observed that the types of contacts fostered by the youth hostel were characteristically democratic. All young people were welcome irrespective of race, nationality, class, creed, or political allegiance. In addition to this total absence of discrimination, the fact that everyone pays the same price for food and lodging, makes conspicuous consumption impossible, while all dress in more or less the same type of simple clothing.

This article presents information regarding the books "Die Menschlidhe Gebellschaft in Ihren Ethnosociologischen Grundlagen," and "Economics in Primitive Communities," both by Richard Thurnwald. These volumes afford a refreshing relief after the flood of deductive, philosophical, and methodological sociology which has poured out of Germany during the last decade or two. The author is thoroughly inductive and objective. Buttressing his every statement with impressible documentation, he errs, if at all, in his caution against making premature generalizations. His data are drawn in the main from ethnography, for he recognizes very clearly that the science of society cannot arrive at valid generalizations from the study of a single civilization alone any more than a science of biology could have been built up by limiting observations to homo sapiens. Studies of primitive cultures contribute to our understanding of man in modern society much as the researches of the geneticists with fruit-flies, the biochemists with dogs, and the animal psychologists with anthropoids contribute to our knowledge of the human organism.

This article focuses on matters related to labor force and industrial development in Soviet Germany. There are a number of reasons why developments in the so called Germanic Republic are of considerable interest. Of all the satellite empire, only Soviet Germany and Czechoslovakia have been advanced industrialised areas of the world. Communist development has met in these areas the conditions envisaged by Karl Marx which, one might bate supposed, would enable it to show particularly impressive results. However, communism has been imposed from outside and not from inside as envisaged by Marxist theory. The German Democratic Republic adjoins the German Federal Republic and citizens on both sides of the Iron Curtain which divides the truncated postwar Germany and its former capital, Berlin, are still very much part of one country. On each side they have an intense interest in the developments of the other; they have preserved not only personal contacts through family relations, etc., but also a considerable personal mobility, which is expressed by a rather one-sided movement from east to west.

The article focuses on the trade union movement and redistribution of power in Germany after World War II. The trade union movement in Germany' after World War II set itself the historical task of socializing power without socializing ownership; of seizing authority from the employers without conferring it on the state. As a movement it had great potential power. This movement also had grievances. Germany in the course of thirty years had experienced two disastrous wars, a wild inflation, a deep depression, and the dictatorial rule of the National Socialists. Reform was its pre-eminent aim and particularly a reduction of the power of the employer and an elevation of the social status of the worker. This union movement had open to it several major alternatives--a return to the Weimar pattern, a turn toward the American model of business unionism, or the creation of some new vision of the social order. The German unions do not accept the society surrounding them and are engaged in an effort to transform it. They have seen the problem not so much as one of getting more wages today but rather more power tomorrow.

Reports on the reorganization of banking system of Germany after the second World War, 1939-1945. Basic purposes and principles of reorganization; Attempts at quadripartite agreement; Reorganization in the U.S. Zone; Reorganization in the French and British Zones; Creation of Central Bank in the Western Zones; Reorganization in the Soviet Zone; Situation in Berlin.

The article discusses the main features of fascist economic planning in Germany. The central economic planning and profitability of business are incompatible, either comprehensive economic planning without a profit system or business for profit. In a study of the Nazi economy it reveals that for the first time profitability of business became compatible with central economic planning. A specific economic planning for brief campaigns dispensed with the need for an overall economic plan of many years duration, and planning for war was reduced to the proportions of a series of partial plans.

Analyzes the problem of reparation among German labor following the World War I. Opposition to compulsory labor after World War I; Emergence of favorable views with regard to the reparation; Comparison with prisoners of war; Relation to other policies; Absorption of other foreign labor; Labor mobility; Industrial techniques and the state of the arts; Effects of foreign labor on the country.

This article analyzes the various trends in economic controls developed under National Socialism since 1933 in Germany. Economic controls under National Socialism have apparently evolved in terms of continuous adjustment to the exigencies of war economy, rather than as instruments of deliberately planned and executed policy. The period from 1933 to the end of 1936 represents a major transition stage, during which experimentation with various controls was at its height at the same time that the system of public works, carried over from the preceding regime, but incorporated in May 1933, in the First Four-Year Plan, was being adapted to war production, and the problems of industrial stability, debt conversion, and unemployment were being attacked in preparation for a more comprehensive program of war-preparedness. Beginning in 1935 the orientation of public works to the war program began in earnest with a shift to work projects more immediately related to armament production. for Water and Power. Centralization is evident in the utilization of the cartel as a major regulatory device, in growing business consolidation and merger, and in the development of new or the extension of old holding company structures.

This article discusses the problem of estimating the effect of armament expenditure on consumption during the period of rearmament in Germany. Those who urge curtailment of civilian consumption and those who maintain that there is no immediate necessity for curtailment should both be interested in the effect of the mounting Nazi expenditure for armaments upon the consumption of the German people between 1933 and 1939. To meet this need the author has attempted to determine whether the deployment of the huge German military machine before the outbreak of war in 1939 necessitated a decline in consumption for the German people, or allowed them to continue at their previous level, or enabled them to increase their consumption. Various methods were used to control civilian consumption in Germany and to prevent it from reaching a volume which would have endangered the government's underlying political and military plans. Income available for expenditure on consumption was deliberately maintained within certain limits. The allocation of raw materials and manpower was so ordered that the production of consumption goods would correspond, by and large, with the change in purchasing power available for consumption purpose.

The article discusses the purposes of exchange control. The author classified the aims of the study to seven categories. Foreign debts under exchange control have been discussed. There is an administrative experience on exchange control depicted in the article. In Germany, exchange control served from the late autumn of 1931 to the latter part of 1932 as a medium-term device to support the Reichsmark while a deflationary adjustment to world prices could be pressed further. No effect of exchange control surpasses in relevance its reduction of the value of international trade. The theory of exchange control is presented.

The article discusses the incorporation of Austria in the German Exchange Control System. Prices in Austria before annexation lay considerably lower than the German level at the old clearing ratio of two Schillings. It was necessary to choose between a rise of Austrian prices, if the old relation were retained, and a simple recognition of the higher real value of the Schilling. The imposition of the German Standstill and Moratorium decrees upon Austria was not taken for short-term foreign debts because of the sum owed by Austrian banks and industries.

The article focuses on a law called Reichserbhofgesetz, which was published by the government of Germany in September, 1933. The status of a transferable economic good is removed by the law from a substantial part of the land of Germany. With this, the land becomes a heirloom and not only the family in the possession of the property is protected by the state, but the connection between farm and family is also enforced by state. The Reichserbhofgesetz is also known as the State hereditary farm law.

The article focuses on Germany's defense economy and discusses the decay of capitalism during the mid-1930s. The goal of Germany was to acquire full powers of national defense. In order to acquire a position of power, the whole population is to be transformed into an army, with everyone prepared to carry his share of the burden in case of war. This means a complete change in function of the economic system as well as in the national psychology. The individual can no longer be allowed to live his private life, to follow his egoistic inclinations, to hold bourgeois civic ideas. In the beginning it was not clear to the National Socialist leaders that extensive central planning would become necessary. Their first aim as they took over the government was to restore Germany's defense power and at the same time put the unemployed to work. By placing orders with the armament industry and by building roads they soon had internal revival under way. But the problems arising from these initial moves pushed the German economy farther and farther into centralized planning.

The article deals with the cartel regulation in Germany stipulated in the decree of 1923. The portion of the law with which this article deals eventually became the most important in application. It is Article 8 which permits cartel members to denounce and withdraw from cartel agreements for a reason of weight without the usual period of prior notice. Such a reason would exist when the economic freedom of the member is unfairly restricted, especially with regard to production, sales or prices. The cartel has the right to challenge the withdrawal within two weeks after it has been announced by applying to a Cartel Court, a body of five, representative of legal and economic interests, the general public, and the two sides involved. Its decisions are binding without appeal. Criticism of Article 8 has largely centered upon the claim put forward by cartel supporters that the Court has made withdrawal far too easy and has encouraged the complaints of cartel weary firms which, dissatisfied with all restrictions, however slight, on their individual action, are over on the lookout for some excuse to quit the organization and assume the profitable position of a price-cutting outsider.

The article traces the position of labor unions during various stages of the recent history of Germany. The most recent development has been the suppression of independent labor unions by the government of German Dictator Adolf Hitler. This, coupled with the subsequent outlawing of the Social Democratic Party, marks the end of an epoch in German labor history. It marked the end of a movement which, in 1929, was considered to be one of the best organized and most effective labor union in the world. Prior to the First World War, the German labor movement had succeeded in freeing itself from the stigma of outlawry which had attached to it under German Chancellor Otto Von Bismarck. The German labor movement won recognition for the first time from the state during the war, despite a diminished membership and depleted funds. By 1918, union membership had risen to 13 million, and labor leaders were more perplexed than ratified at the sudden popularity of their organizations. The growth of the influence of the labor organizations was one of the most remarkable developments of post-war Germany.