Search

This paper explores the connections between the culture and living conditions of Afro-descendants in Colombian society. The specific object of study is Champeta, a Black urban music associated with social resistance. The text analyzes Champeta's evolution in Colombia's multicultural frame. It concludes with an analysis of these multicultural premises' shortcomings, especially regarding the material improvement of Black Colombians' living conditions. This text contributes to current debates on cultural diversity in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia is one of the most inequal countries in Latin America, which at the same time, is the most inequal region of the world. Even though this situation is discouraging it is not new, the difference lays on the importance that this situation has been taken in the political agenda in the nation, awakening multiple expectative between the citizens who has been the eternal losers: the poor. This paper focuses on the challenges that the new government of Gustavo Petro faces in matter of the inequality and poverty that affects over the half of the population in Colombia, at the same time provides a context of the Colombian case in the conjuncture of global and regional socioeconomic changes that incident on the chances of fulfill structural transformations at the social policy. Although this research acknowledges a large spectrum of inequalities existing in the territory (gender, generational, ethnic, racial) it focusses on the income inequality. This analysis takes place based on the data of specialized sources on the subject and the monitoring fluctuations of inequality in Colombia in the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to show experiences of political socialization between parents and children in Colombia. It is based on a two-way vision of parenting and political socialization. The political is understood as a dimension of the social that has a double character: conflicting and deliberative. In that sense, political socialization can lead to both perpetuating or transforming conditions and political orientations received. The research is qualitative, with data coming from semi-structured interviews conducted with the mothers and fathers of three families. The results show different experiences through which the families encourage critical thinking and construct political notions related to peace, otherness, participation and social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a theoretical-reflective essay that aims to approach the way in which the role of women has been biased by social representations, inherited by generations. In these representations, men are more closely associated with work and professional development, while women are mainly associated with housework and family. One of the epicenters of this problem, in addition to the above, is education. Overall, in Latin America, and specifically in Colombia, social inequalities are very deep and reflect a gender gap, permanently reproduced, which could be traced in terms of colonization and intersectionality. This paper will address three key moments. Firstly, it places women in education; secondly, it observes, from a general point of view, the challenges in terms of gender equity for higher education (HE) from the incorporation of the Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), and finally, it presents an intersectional methodological perspective, which manages to dialogue between the aforementioned moments. It is intended to make a first approach to this concept from the educational perspective as an opportunity that realizes the promise of social inclusion and equity for women in the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on inequality in Colombia is primarily approached from an economic point of view with quantitative methodologies. Heterodox and alternative approaches on inequality are almost absent from academic literature in that country. However, there is plenty of literature that presents theoretical and methodological alternatives on how to research inequality, especially in countries in the Global South. This paper takes a qualitative historical approach to inequality to make an argument for class replication following the works of Vester et al (2001), Rehbein et al. (2015) and Rehbein, Jodhka, and Souza (2018). It argues that the early colonial period is determinant in the formation of modern inequality in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty, as one of the constraints of social welfare, is among the greatest concerns of countries, multilateral agencies, and society in general. However, international academic consensus regarding the concept, measurement, and international comparability remains distant. As such, this paper seeks to approximate positions on the subject, and propose an indicator that can overcome one-dimensional visions of a polyhedral and multicultural phenomenon. In light of the results, and using data from 121,802 households from the 2012-2017 National Quality of Life Survey, it was evident that in six years, Colombia reduced its incidence of poverty by 7.2 percentage points, the gap by 1.1, and inequality by 1 percentage point, with rural areas and households being affected more frequently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic unleashed a socioeconomic crisis in most countries, as well as strict restrictions on mobility and social distancing were implemented. The pandemic brought a severe socioeconomic shock -decreasing economic activity- and forced policy responses that affected the education sector -notably school closures-. There is scarce evidence on the implications of the pandemic and its socioeconomic consequences on learning inequality, particularly in the Latin-American context. The aim of this paper is to measure the change in learning inequality during the years of the pandemic (2020–2021) in Colombia. To measure learning inequality, we use the results of a standardize exam taken by all upper secondary education graduates in the country. To capture inequality, we use secondary-level students' characteristics, their households, and schools' characteristics. Our econometric results suggest an increase in learning inequality between 48% and 372% depending on the dimension studied, except for gender where learning inequality decreased. Moreover, through dynamic specifications, we determine that for all the analyzed dimensions the 2020–2021 period represents a change in the trend of learning inequality as in the periods prior to the pandemic inequality gaps decreased or, at least, remained constant. We conclude with concrete and immediate policy recommendations to target the learning processes of vulnerable students and bridge learning gaps. • The magnitude of the impacts of the pandemic were disproportionately large for vulnerable population groups. • In Colombia, the isolation policy included school closures and most schools remained closed during most of 2021. • We estimate changes in learning inequality by secondary-level students' characteristics, their households, and schools. • Learning inequality increased between 48% and 372% in Colombia, except for gender where it decreased. • For all the analyzed dimensions, the 2020–2021 period represents a change in the trend of learning inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are institutions that regulate property rights related to the massive coercive dispossession of land that took place during the Colombian conflict? How did the workings of these institutions change during the conflict? We answer these questions through an analysis of a unique data set of rulings on land restitution issued between 2012 and 2015. The paper argues that the exclusionary nature of the institutions that regulate the access and assignment of property rights preceded the onset and escalation of the Colombian conflict, but shows how and why once the conflict began, the set of techniques used to promote coercive dispossession through those institutions could be significantly broadened and escalated. By doing so, it intends to advance the knowledge of how institutions are transformed, in this case in a deeply anti-egalitarian and violent sense, during war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Bank Report 2012 starts with this statement: "Gender equality matters in itself and it matters for development because, in today's globalized worlds, countries that use the skills and talents of their women would have an advantage over those which do not use it." With the frame that suggest that gender equality matters, this paper describes some policy alternatives oriented to overcome gender disadvantages in the formal labor market incorporation of the urban middle class women in Colombia. On balance, the final recommendation suggest that it is desirable to adopt policy alternatives as Community Centers, which are programs oriented to a social redistribution of the domestic work as a way to encourage women participation in the formal labor market with the social support of the members of their own community. The problem that the social policy needs to address is the segregation of women in the formal labor market in Colombia. Although the evidence shows that the women overcome the educational gap by showing better performance in education that their male peers, women are still segregated of the labor market. The persistence of high rates of unemployment on the female population, the prevalence of the informal labor market as a women labor market, and the presence of the payment difference between men and women with similar professional trainings are circumstances that sustain the segregation statement. These circumstances are inefficient for the society because an economic analysis shows that the cost of maintain the statuquo is externalized in the social security system that includes health, pension and maternity leave regimens. Therefore, the women segregation involves a market failure. This paper evaluates five policy alternatives each directed to the progress of a different causal dimension of the problem: (i) Quotas in the private market, (ii) Flexible working hours, (iii) replace the maternity leave with a family leave, (iv) Increase the Community Centers for redistributing the care work, and (v) Equal payment enforcement. The first alternative looks to increase women's participation in the formal labor market. The second, third, and fourth alternatives constitute a package addressed at redistributing care work by reducing women's responsibility for reproductive work in the household with the help of husbands and the local government. The fifth alternative intervenes to resolve the equal payment problem. After a four criteria evaluation that measure effectiveness, robustness and improbability in implementation, efficiency and political acceptability or social opposition, the strongest alternative is the fostering of Community Centers that promote a redistribution of care work. This policy performs well in the assessment process because it combines gender focus with important indirect effects: child support and human capabilities. The policy also shows a bottom up implementation process that overcomes the main adoption difficulties in the gender focus programs and is supported by strong evidence of success in the Colombian context; this evidence is produced by both transnational actors as a World Bank and also in local accountability reporters executed by local institutions like Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This paper focuses on the research groups registered in the Colciencias platform from January 2005 to April 2012 in order to analyze their ability to conduct research on the social determinants of health (SDH) as well as the opinion of the coordinators of such groups. Methodology: a descriptive observational study focusing on the Colciencias Scienti platform (which holds information on Colombian research groups) and particularly on aspects such as the groups, the researchers and the SDH-related research products. The study was complemented with questionnaires, focus groups and a study on the national system for research. In addition, researchers signed an informed consent form before participating in the study. Results: the 65 groups registered in Colciencias' Health Sciences Program (6%) have published 123 products in the form of scientific papers written in Spanish (48%). Moreover, the predominant studies are those conducted with demographically relevant populations, focusing on health systems, health inequity and prevalent diseases, and based on empirical and analytical methods, as well as the network projects of national scope. The difficulties identified were: scarce political and institutional support for local and national research on the SDH and reduced interaction with policy makers and with other groups speaking other languages. Conclusions: studies based on the approach proposed by the Commission on Social Determinants of Health in 2005 were predominant. Recommendations: it is essential to strengthen the ability to conduct research on the SDH using different approaches-particularly the Latin American approaches-; likewise collaborative network projects should be developed and collective actions should be taken which affect the health research policies for equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the consolidation of democratic governments in the 1980s and 1990s, wholesale evictions of entire neighbourhoods ceased to be a solution to urban problems in Latin America. This paper discusses an example of a new generation of municipal programmes aimed at physically upgrading informal settlements while integrating them both physically and socially into the fabric of the city. In Medellín, a city with a recent history of violence and social inequality, the audacious use of well-established ski-slope aerial cable-car technology in dense and hilly low-income informal settlements was followed by major neighbourhood upgrading comprising new social housing, schools and other social infrastructure, as well as support to micro-enterprises. Although lack of mobility contributes to social inequality and poverty, the paper argues that the introduction of quick-fix highly visible transport technology on its own is unlikely to help reduce poverty. Although urban upgrading programmes and the symbolic value of cable-car systems have instilled among the local population a feeling of inclusion and integration into the ‘modern’ city, they can also be understood as mechanisms for the ‘normalisation’ of informal sectors of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revolves around the controversial theme of democracy. Initially, it explains some ideas about the origins of Greek democracy is an excluding system of government; then, it shows the intrinsic link between democracy and participation; and finally, it brings up ationality as a constitutive element for democracy. In general terms, the paper is about defending democracy as a universal value that eeds some minimum conditions to develop. It is not about imposing democracy, but rather about understanding its benefits and achieving ts insertion into the dynamic of a specific society. This paper considers some social thought theorists such as the Italian, Norberto obbio, and the Colombian, Estanislao Zuleta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of 30 June 2006, more than 3.5 million Colombians are internally displaced persons (IDPs), the second largest IDP population in the world after that of Sudan. While most IDP studies treat the plight of internally displaced women (IDW) as an isolated phenomenon, this paper demonstrates that their situation reflects Colombia's chronic cultural, political and socio-economic crisis. This paper uses a sexual and reproductive rights framework to establish a connection between IDW and Colombia's culture of violence, discrimination and inequality. The effects of this culture of violence, discrimination and inequality are highlighted during a discussion of the rights to health, reproduction, privacy, physical integrity, education, and freedom from violence and sexual exploitation. This paper argues that a holistic understanding of Colombia's humanitarian emergency is essential to improving the lives of IDPs. It ends with some concrete, short-term recommendations to meet some of the needs of IDPs and other vulnerable populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to clarify the current situation of the Deaf community in Bogotá in regard to the permanence and access to higher education. The study was carried out based on the analysis of the current national and international legal framework that relates to people with disabilities, and specifically to the Deaf community. With a deep analysis of the existing legal framework, this paper will attempt to determine whether or not this framework is sufficient in fully guaranteeing the right to education of Deaf people, taking into account the variables of permanence and access to education, and the discussion on whether the Deaf community may or may not be considered a linguistic minority. Furthermore, this investigation will attempt to determine the flaws in case law, legislation and public policies that have thus far been implemented, while also highlighting policy recommendations that can be adopted from a constitutional standpoint on the fundamental rights to equality and education for people with disabilities, all under the social model that defines this concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion about whom and when rights are included in democracies, is an unresolved issue. Those who defend that the legislature should be the one guaranteeing these rights, argue on behalf of the popular origin of the parliament and the functions that the constitution grants; in the other side, the current detractors base their reviews on the fact that the legislature, by nature and origin, is linked to the public opinion which makes difficult for it to break off the trial of majorities, that sometimes goes against unrepresented minorities. Colombia, thanks to the judgment C-577 of 2011-in which the Constitutional Court ruled on the constitutionality of two expressions of the marriage contract-renewed interest in the rights of LGBTI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual/gender, and Intersexual) couples. While the Court recognized the discrimination hidden in the existence of an alternative way to shelter marital unions in this community, the problem is not solved, yet. Therefore, the Court called for the legislator to regulate the mater in a two year term, by the establishment of an equivalent possibility for LGBTI couples; otherwise, these couples will be able to go before a notary or a judge to formalize their union by a solemn contract. This article presumes that the legislature is the one in charge of the inclusion of the LGBTI community, and for this particular case, through the recognition of the right of these couples to join in marriage and form a family. In this sense, the aim of this paper is to demonstrate the elements that an inclusive legislation on the rights of LGBTI people requires, claiming the figure of the Parliament and its role within the Colombian democratic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of Fairtrade certification in mediating banana production relations in Urabá, Colombia. While the country has long been incorporated into the world banana economy, the region's fraught history of dispossession, exploitation, and resistance make it a useful site through which to consider its more recent articulation into the Fairtrade banana commodity chain. In some respects, the emergence of Fairtrade in Urabá could be framed as a win-win. Banana growers have enrolled in certified commodity chains as a way to add value, stabilize their position in a volatile global market, and bring additional resources to workers. However, Fairtrade's role in reframing Urabá as a site of ethical banana production has been contingent upon multiple forms of marginalization and devaluation, expressed in their most extreme form through an armed conflict that swept the region during the last two decades of the 20th century. Fieldwork conducted with banana workers and growers in Urabá suggests that Fairtrade programs resonate with the local industry's longer term strategy to promote voluntarism as the appropriate mechanism for alleviating poverty and inequality. In addition, by creating disparities in the material resources and structures of negotiation available to banana workers, Fairtrade has produced new uneven geographies within the regional banana production complex. These developments are particularly problematic given their potential to undermine labor solidarity in the face of an erosion of labor standards in the global banana economy and the reassertion of elite control in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, we analyse economic development and growth through traditional measures (gross domestic product and human development index) and Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) in Colombian departments over the period 1993–2007. We use a DEA model to measure and rank economic development and growth from different approaches such as poverty, equality and security. The results show considerable variation in efficiency scores across departments. A second-stage panel data analysis with fixed effects reveals that higher levels of economic activity, quality life, employment and security are associated with a higher efficiency score based on the standards of living, poverty, equality and security. All findings of this analysis should demonstrate that economic development and growth could be achieved most effectively through a decrease in poverty, an increase in equality, a reduction in violence, and improved security. This indicates the need to generate effective policies that guarantee the achievement of these elements in the interest of all members of society. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Being conscience of the importance of competition law for the economy and especially for today's markets, this paper develops a deep and detailed analysis of the restrictive practices related to discrimination: Decree 2153 of 1992 Article 47 num 2 and Article 50 num 2 and num 4, taking into account the legal, the doctrinal and the SIC perspectives. The main objective of this article is to demonstrate that the competition law has a limited perspective of discrimination because it has focused on the protection of equality as an absolute right, ignoring that its main objective should be the efficiency. Thus, throughout the text, it is evident that in many cases can become more profitable for competition law to accept discriminatory practices considering that they are efficient practices that will provide greater benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of the four million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Colombia who flee from their lands and homes migrate to urban centers. The study, performed in Bogota, examines how IDPs cope with living in a new urban environment after violent displacement. The paper illustrates how IDPs navigate new socioeconomic structures in Bogota, demonstrating large scale inequality and disproportionate distribution of power. IDPs' interactions with the non-displaced public and government functionaries create new identities of the displaced. "Othering" narratives and practices manifest themselves in the form of symbolic violence. Collective IDP agency, through actions of resistance, reaffirms IDP identity and challenges "othering" narratives, leading to political action. I demonstrate how IDPs' practices challenge state bureaucracy and government workers, a new urban setting, and the non-displaced public. I analyzed interviews with IDPs, the non-displaced public, and government workers, performed participant observation in government offices and neighborhoods, and examined archival material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the public policies and components of the healthcare system affecting Colombian women with HIV/AIDS. Although there is national interest in controlling the HIV/ AIDS epidemic, current policies are not linked to specific lines of action and do not include a coherent gender approach that can guarantee comprehensive healthcare. HIV/AIDS policies are formulated within the frame of current economic policies and health reform implemented as part of Law 100 of 1993. These policies must be supported by economic plans that make it possible for the most vulnerable population to overcome the conditions of social inequity and by a healthcare system which guarantees complete access to appropriate healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact of unions in Colombia by answering the following questions: Is there a wage differential between unionized and non-unionized employees that can be attributed to unions? How large is this differential? And which part of wage inequality among employees can be explained by unions? In order to determine the existence and magnitude of the wage differential, an impact evaluation method called propensity score matching is used. The results show that there is a positive differential in favor of unionized workers. This differential fluctuates between 3% and 5% of the monthly wage, and between 15% and 16% of the hourly wage. When we analyze the impact for the private sector only, the wage differential increases, and varies between 22% and 27% of the monthly wage and between 52% and 56% of the hourly wage. In order to estimate the fraction of wage inequality that can be explained by unions, the Fields decomposition method is used. The results indicate that 4% of wage inequality between employees can be attributed to unions. Unlike the findings for other countries, unions in Colombia contribute to make worse income distribution. The data sample comes from Colombia's National Household Survey for December 2000. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the discussion on policies for providing utilities and on their contribution to reducing inequality. The uniqueness of the Colombian scheme to target subsidy beneficiaries and contributors provides valuable lessons for policymakers, academics, and urban planners regarding the difficulties and implications of such a segmenting government intervention in countries of the Global South. Among the unintended consequences of the scheme are deepening spatial segregation, distorted economic incentives, and poor correspondence of the welfare system with stratification categories. • Colombia's stratification system does not reflect individuals' socioeconomic progress. • The stratification system has several limitations to accomplish its goals over time. • A stratification system to funding utilities should accomplish tax-progressivity. • A comprehensive stratification system to funding utilities must include households' several dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the United Nations Decade for Women (1976-1985) many member states of the United Nations in the South put in place some form of national machinery for the advancement of women. This paper considers that process, identifying three main phases. The first was heavily overlaid by the agendas of international development agencies and coincided with efforts to advance a "women in development" or WID agenda within international development cooperation. The second, explored here in relation to Colombia, saw a shift towards attempts to institutionalize gender awareness in development policy, the so-called "gender and development" or GAD approach. Against this background, the later South African experience is evaluated. It is argued that this potentially represents a third and distinguishable phase in the establishment of national machineries. Here structures were set up in the context of less aid dependence than many other countries and as a result of a process that was largely internally driven. Nevertheless, South Africa enjoyed tremendous support from international women's networks and lessons were learnt from past experience elsewhere, both positive and negative. The South African approach to advancing gender equality is arguably the most progressive to be found anywhere. What remains to be seen is whether it will be possible to implement, given the persistence of poverty and inequality nationally and South Africa's increasing identification with international neo-liberal agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]