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Colombia is one of the most inequal countries in Latin America, which at the same time, is the most inequal region of the world. Even though this situation is discouraging it is not new, the difference lays on the importance that this situation has been taken in the political agenda in the nation, awakening multiple expectative between the citizens who has been the eternal losers: the poor. This paper focuses on the challenges that the new government of Gustavo Petro faces in matter of the inequality and poverty that affects over the half of the population in Colombia, at the same time provides a context of the Colombian case in the conjuncture of global and regional socioeconomic changes that incident on the chances of fulfill structural transformations at the social policy. Although this research acknowledges a large spectrum of inequalities existing in the territory (gender, generational, ethnic, racial) it focusses on the income inequality. This analysis takes place based on the data of specialized sources on the subject and the monitoring fluctuations of inequality in Colombia in the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty, as one of the constraints of social welfare, is among the greatest concerns of countries, multilateral agencies, and society in general. However, international academic consensus regarding the concept, measurement, and international comparability remains distant. As such, this paper seeks to approximate positions on the subject, and propose an indicator that can overcome one-dimensional visions of a polyhedral and multicultural phenomenon. In light of the results, and using data from 121,802 households from the 2012-2017 National Quality of Life Survey, it was evident that in six years, Colombia reduced its incidence of poverty by 7.2 percentage points, the gap by 1.1, and inequality by 1 percentage point, with rural areas and households being affected more frequently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic unleashed a socioeconomic crisis in most countries, as well as strict restrictions on mobility and social distancing were implemented. The pandemic brought a severe socioeconomic shock -decreasing economic activity- and forced policy responses that affected the education sector -notably school closures-. There is scarce evidence on the implications of the pandemic and its socioeconomic consequences on learning inequality, particularly in the Latin-American context. The aim of this paper is to measure the change in learning inequality during the years of the pandemic (2020–2021) in Colombia. To measure learning inequality, we use the results of a standardize exam taken by all upper secondary education graduates in the country. To capture inequality, we use secondary-level students' characteristics, their households, and schools' characteristics. Our econometric results suggest an increase in learning inequality between 48% and 372% depending on the dimension studied, except for gender where learning inequality decreased. Moreover, through dynamic specifications, we determine that for all the analyzed dimensions the 2020–2021 period represents a change in the trend of learning inequality as in the periods prior to the pandemic inequality gaps decreased or, at least, remained constant. We conclude with concrete and immediate policy recommendations to target the learning processes of vulnerable students and bridge learning gaps. • The magnitude of the impacts of the pandemic were disproportionately large for vulnerable population groups. • In Colombia, the isolation policy included school closures and most schools remained closed during most of 2021. • We estimate changes in learning inequality by secondary-level students' characteristics, their households, and schools. • Learning inequality increased between 48% and 372% in Colombia, except for gender where it decreased. • For all the analyzed dimensions, the 2020–2021 period represents a change in the trend of learning inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This paper focuses on the research groups registered in the Colciencias platform from January 2005 to April 2012 in order to analyze their ability to conduct research on the social determinants of health (SDH) as well as the opinion of the coordinators of such groups. Methodology: a descriptive observational study focusing on the Colciencias Scienti platform (which holds information on Colombian research groups) and particularly on aspects such as the groups, the researchers and the SDH-related research products. The study was complemented with questionnaires, focus groups and a study on the national system for research. In addition, researchers signed an informed consent form before participating in the study. Results: the 65 groups registered in Colciencias' Health Sciences Program (6%) have published 123 products in the form of scientific papers written in Spanish (48%). Moreover, the predominant studies are those conducted with demographically relevant populations, focusing on health systems, health inequity and prevalent diseases, and based on empirical and analytical methods, as well as the network projects of national scope. The difficulties identified were: scarce political and institutional support for local and national research on the SDH and reduced interaction with policy makers and with other groups speaking other languages. Conclusions: studies based on the approach proposed by the Commission on Social Determinants of Health in 2005 were predominant. Recommendations: it is essential to strengthen the ability to conduct research on the SDH using different approaches-particularly the Latin American approaches-; likewise collaborative network projects should be developed and collective actions should be taken which affect the health research policies for equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of 30 June 2006, more than 3.5 million Colombians are internally displaced persons (IDPs), the second largest IDP population in the world after that of Sudan. While most IDP studies treat the plight of internally displaced women (IDW) as an isolated phenomenon, this paper demonstrates that their situation reflects Colombia's chronic cultural, political and socio-economic crisis. This paper uses a sexual and reproductive rights framework to establish a connection between IDW and Colombia's culture of violence, discrimination and inequality. The effects of this culture of violence, discrimination and inequality are highlighted during a discussion of the rights to health, reproduction, privacy, physical integrity, education, and freedom from violence and sexual exploitation. This paper argues that a holistic understanding of Colombia's humanitarian emergency is essential to improving the lives of IDPs. It ends with some concrete, short-term recommendations to meet some of the needs of IDPs and other vulnerable populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the discussion on policies for providing utilities and on their contribution to reducing inequality. The uniqueness of the Colombian scheme to target subsidy beneficiaries and contributors provides valuable lessons for policymakers, academics, and urban planners regarding the difficulties and implications of such a segmenting government intervention in countries of the Global South. Among the unintended consequences of the scheme are deepening spatial segregation, distorted economic incentives, and poor correspondence of the welfare system with stratification categories. • Colombia's stratification system does not reflect individuals' socioeconomic progress. • The stratification system has several limitations to accomplish its goals over time. • A stratification system to funding utilities should accomplish tax-progressivity. • A comprehensive stratification system to funding utilities must include households' several dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact of unions in Colombia by answering the following questions: Is there a wage differential between unionized and non-unionized employees that can be attributed to unions? How large is this differential? And which part of wage inequality among employees can be explained by unions? In order to determine the existence and magnitude of the wage differential, an impact evaluation method called propensity score matching is used. The results show that there is a positive differential in favor of unionized workers. This differential fluctuates between 3% and 5% of the monthly wage, and between 15% and 16% of the hourly wage. When we analyze the impact for the private sector only, the wage differential increases, and varies between 22% and 27% of the monthly wage and between 52% and 56% of the hourly wage. In order to estimate the fraction of wage inequality that can be explained by unions, the Fields decomposition method is used. The results indicate that 4% of wage inequality between employees can be attributed to unions. Unlike the findings for other countries, unions in Colombia contribute to make worse income distribution. The data sample comes from Colombia's National Household Survey for December 2000. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the United Nations Decade for Women (1976-1985) many member states of the United Nations in the South put in place some form of national machinery for the advancement of women. This paper considers that process, identifying three main phases. The first was heavily overlaid by the agendas of international development agencies and coincided with efforts to advance a "women in development" or WID agenda within international development cooperation. The second, explored here in relation to Colombia, saw a shift towards attempts to institutionalize gender awareness in development policy, the so-called "gender and development" or GAD approach. Against this background, the later South African experience is evaluated. It is argued that this potentially represents a third and distinguishable phase in the establishment of national machineries. Here structures were set up in the context of less aid dependence than many other countries and as a result of a process that was largely internally driven. Nevertheless, South Africa enjoyed tremendous support from international women's networks and lessons were learnt from past experience elsewhere, both positive and negative. The South African approach to advancing gender equality is arguably the most progressive to be found anywhere. What remains to be seen is whether it will be possible to implement, given the persistence of poverty and inequality nationally and South Africa's increasing identification with international neo-liberal agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]