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This paper critically explores the use of satire and humour by fast-foods outlets in South Africa and Zimbabwe to advertise and market their menu through digital media platforms, Facebook and Twitter. Using Nando's South Africa and Mambo's Chicken, in Zimbabwe, as case studies, we examine how satire and humour are used as advertising strategies, and as a reflection of these countries' economic and political environments. Consumers are overwhelmed with information coming from different sources such as Television, radio, newspapers and Internet. The paper's theoretical approach is gleaned from advertising and satire. We argue that through their encounter with food, consumers tend to understand the reason behind their 'empty stomach', and mediate on prevailing socio-political and economic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses relations between South Africa and Southern Rhodesia from 1939 to 1948. The article begins in 1939 when the outbreak of the Second World War brought mixed fortunes for the two neighbours. For Southern Rhodesia, which relied mainly on imported manufactured goods from the United Kingdom, the war induced shortages resulting in huge domestic demand. Shortages stimulated calls for local industry to fill the vacuum. Consequently, an import substitution industrialisation (ISI) drive developed. In addition to the ISI, South Africa, which had a comparatively established secondary industry by the time the war broke out, increasingly became an essential source for Southern Rhodesian imports. This, however, was not without its challenges. Southern Rhodesia's economic interest groups often raised complaints against South Africa's economic competition and its threat to the Rhodesian economy. Nonetheless, Pretoria and Salisbury worked closely and found ways to ease the challenges. By 1948, the end date of the paper, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa's relationship had resulted in the signing of a Customs Union Agreement. Thus, the article demonstrates, thematically and chronologically, that relations between the two countries evolved through cooperation and competition during the Second World War until the onset of Apartheid in South Africa and the Customs Agreement. The paper relies on primary material from the Zimbabwean and South African archives comprised of correspondences of Customs Agreements negotiations, economic policies and relations, and Parliamentary debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article's purpose is to analyse the political work of binaries used in both domestic and global migration governance responses with a particular focus on Zimbabwean "survival migration" at the Zimbabwe–South Africa border. This article finds that there is peculiar complementarity between South Africa's domestic migration governance framework and global migration governance frameworks aimed at a migration management approach. This article argues that this nice fit normalises the ostensibly clear distinction between migrants and refugees to deny protection to deserving asylum-seekers, which is productive in serving the political interests of the South African government. Without access to the appropriate papers and encountering a border refugee reception office that has developed de facto gatekeeping measures to prevent them from seeking asylum, as well as a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees field office that perceives them as economic migrants, many Zimbabweans living in South Africa occupy a liminal area of categorisation and protection. Hence, the possibilities of the global migration governance providing legitimacy to exclusionary practices at the national level in South Africa are immense. This points to the need for serious engagement with "survival migration" as a category of mobility in analysis, policy, law as well as practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the COVID‐19 pandemic impact migrant worker visibility? This paper examines how the pandemic underscores the invisibility of Zimbabwean migrant farm workers employed at ZZ2, one of the largest commercial farms in South Africa. I argue that Zimbabweans are made invisible in three ways. First, employer and state restrictions on mobility, alongside rising xenophobia in South Africa, leave migrant workers hyper‐visible to ZZ2 management, yet invisible to most people outside the farm. Second, ZZ2 avoids discussion of its migrant workforce in public forums, even as it faces increased scrutiny for its treatment of its workers during the pandemic. Third, the most prominent critic of ZZ2—the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)—grants migrant workers only a partial visibility as undifferentiated foreigners with no voice, a construction that ultimately maintains their invisibility at the company. Taken together, these interlocking forms of invisibilization diminish the structural and associational power of workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The idea of convergence of cultural institutions, especially the libraries, archives and museums (LAMS) to operate as one, has a long theoretical history which unfortunately has not been translated into practice. This subject has been discussed by a number of scholars but the implementation has just remained theoretical with only a few countries practically adopting such an organisational structure. In Africa, this concept of LAMS is yet to gain traction. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is aimed at proposing such LAMS structures for African nations, especially in Zimbabwe and South Africa considering the emergence of community "archives" which have blurred further the distinction between museology, archiving and librarianship. The motivation in advocating for the adoption of LAMS is also driven by the theory behind participatory archives which thrive on the advanced use of internet including social media platforms that can make it possible to have one-stop virtual archive on the cloud that also incorporates museums and libraries. Design/methodology/approach: This is a concept paper which reviewed the literature on national and community archives in Zimbabwe and South Africa which were purposively selected because of their long history in archiving. This was done to come up with a proposed "independent" national heritage organisational structure. "Independent" structure because this paper was based on the assumption that the independence of decision-making in national archival structures in Zimbabwe and South Africa is compromised and biased towards the ethos of political parties' ruling governments. Findings: Proposed integrated framework for community archives into the sustainable national archival system which also incorporates the role that can be played by universities. The framework is likely to be feasible and of benefit in the countries that are struggling to have national mainstream independent archives which are just not paying allegiance to those who are in power. Originality/value: This study is unique in the sense that it mixes LAMS and the concept of independent archival structure in a regional comparative nature that involves Zimbabwe and South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies of homicides in South Africa have examined serial murders and mass killings. While some scholars have examined parricides in African countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe, few have examined the intersection of parricide and multiple victim homicides in the context of South Africa. This paper examines multiple victim parricides in a South African context using newspapers and court records as data. Eighteen cases of multiple-victim parricides were identified and analysed. Our findings indicate that multiple victim parricides in South Africa are shaped by residential patterns as well as social and cultural factors that are unique to South Africa that are embodied in the offence characteristics. The implications on the findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Operational research is required to design delivery of pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) and early antiretroviral treatment (ART). This paper presents the primary analysis of programmatic data, as well as demographic, behavioural, and clinical data, from the TAPS Demonstration Project, which offered both interventions to female sex workers (FSWs) at 2 urban clinic sites in South Africa.Methods and Findings: The TAPS study was conducted between 30 March 2015 and 30 June 2017, with the enrolment period ending on 31 July 2016. TAPS was a prospective observational cohort study with 2 groups receiving interventions delivered in existing service settings: (1) PrEP as part of combination prevention for HIV-negative FSWs and (2) early ART for HIV-positive FSWs. The main outcome was programme retention at 12 months of follow-up. Of the 947 FSWs initially seen in clinic, 692 were HIV tested. HIV prevalence was 49%. Among those returning to clinic after HIV testing and clinical screening, 93% of the women who were HIV-negative were confirmed as clinically eligible for PrEP (n = 224/241), and 41% (n = 110/270) of the women who were HIV-positive had CD4 counts within National Department of Health ART initiation guidelines at assessment. Of the remaining women who were HIV-positive, 93% were eligible for early ART (n = 148/160). From those eligible, 98% (n = 219/224) and 94% (n = 139/148) took up PrEP and early ART, respectively. At baseline, a substantial fraction of women had a steady partner, worked in brothels, and were born in Zimbabwe. Of those enrolled, 22% on PrEP (n = 49/219) and 60% on early ART (n = 83/139) were seen at 12 months; we observed high rates of loss to follow-up: 71% (n = 156/219) and 30% (n = 42/139) in the PrEP and early ART groups, respectively. Little change over time was reported in consistent condom use or the number of sexual partners in the last 7 days, with high levels of consistent condom use with clients and low use with steady partners in both study groups. There were no seroconversions on PrEP and 7 virological failures on early ART among women remaining in the study. Reported adherence to PrEP varied over time between 70% and 85%, whereas over 90% of participants reported taking pills daily while on early ART. Data on provider-side costs were also collected and analysed. The total cost of service delivery was approximately US$126 for PrEP and US$406 for early ART per person-year. The main limitations of this study include the lack of a control group, which was not included due to ethical considerations; clinical study requirements imposed when PrEP was not approved through the regulatory system, which could have affected uptake; and the timing of the implementation of a national sex worker HIV programme, which could have also affected uptake and retention.Conclusions: PrEP and early ART services can be implemented within FSW routine services in high prevalence, urban settings. We observed good uptake for both PrEP and early ART; however, retention rates for PrEP were low. Retention rates for early ART were similar to retention rates for the current standard of care. While the cost of the interventions was higher than previously published, there is potential for cost reduction at scale. The TAPS Demonstration Project results provided the basis for the first government PrEP and early ART guidelines and the rollout of the national sex worker HIV programme in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gaining access to participants in rural, politically unstable settings demands authority and consent not only from the participants and immediate line managers, but also from other players with interests in the research sites. This paper discusses data gathering experiences and challenges encountered during fieldwork for a PhD amidst a politically volatile situation in Zimbabwe in mid-2008. The article highlights the challenges encountered, how the researcher overcame some of them, and was stymied by others. Specifically, political challenges related to gaining access to schools and participants, which created time constraints and frustrations, fears and anxieties for the researcher. Issues of poor topography and interview space also emerged as other challenges. The paper proposes that the snags and surprises, the feelings of frustration, fear and anger that go with researching participants in politically unstable settings should not stall the research process but instead, handled with flexibility and patience, and used as motivation to continue. The experiences not only enhance the researcher's own reflexivity and reflectivity but also provide insights into the human conditions and actions as viewed from multiple perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zimbabwean migration into South Africa represents a challenge to standard global models for responding to large-scale migration flows. South Africa's existing legal and institutional infrastructure for migration management and refugee protection is not adequate for responding to this challenge and yet the country has not planned or implemented alternative responses. The paper outlines the complex 'mixed' nature of current Zimbabwean migration to South Africa and describes how South Africa's range of legal and institutional responses are ineffective in protecting both South Africa's national interests and the rights of Zimbabwean migrants. After presenting a series of factors against which future responses should be evaluated, it lists various possible forms of response, including legal and humanitarian interventions, and discusses their respective appropriateness in the South African context. Finally, the paper suggests six possible policy scenarios, taking into account institutional and political realities on the ground in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on research conducted in Kenya, South Africa, and Zimbabwe that focused on violence in the context of political transition. The paperexaminesthe relation between political transition and sexual and gender-based violence in the three countries. The paper argues that it is critical to recognise sexual and gender-based violence as bound to systemic gendered inequality if such forms of violence are to be addressed and mitigated when periods of violent conflict end. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many who have admired the African National Congress are confused and dismayed by post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy on human rights and good governance, exemplified by its most important policy test to date, viz. Zimbabwe. It is argued below that understanding this policy in terms of the widely-used explanation that it represents 'a shift from idealism to realism' is unsatisfactory. This state-centric framework, focused on 'national' interests and ideals cannot accommodate the wide range of interests, ideals, and other factors that shape the policy. Instead, this investigation assumes that all foreign policies involve a close interaction between 'realism' (interest-driven analysis) and 'idealism' (beliefs/values-driven analysis). In addition to exploring this interaction, this paper also touches briefly and tentatively on the following questions: how well has South Africa's foreign policy been calculated and implemented, and what have been its effects and consequences for South Africa, Zimbabwe, and the 'progressive' international norms to which both South Africa and many of its critics subscribe. A subsidiary aim is to clarify some misunderstandings between South Africa and the West that frequently lead to their 'talking past each other' on this, and other, issues of human rights and good governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the extent to which South Africa's policy towards Zimbabwe under the Mbeki administration was shaped by economic and commercial considerations. Given the extensive involvement and growing influence of the South African business sector in Zimbabwe, the potential link between the South African government's policy stance towards Zimbabwe and South Africa's commercial interests in Zimbabwe is intuitively appealing. This paper argues, however, that although South African firms have exploited the commercial opportunities that have emerged from the political and economic crises in Zimbabwe, it is not clear from the available evidence if commercial interests have been a primary consideration in South Africa's policy towards Zimbabwe. It concludes that the Mbeki government's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe was not principally shaped by economic objectives, but was instead driven predominantly by political and ideological concerns, which related closely to perceptions about South Africa's role on the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]