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In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European afiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/ statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the different traditions with regard to performing public services (services of general interest), the continental-European and the Anglo-Saxon ones, the paper determines basic characteristics of public services. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the concept of public services and their basic characteristics and classification, the protection of public interest and the special role of the public authorities with regard to the services of general interest. The paper analyses the evolution of the concept of "services of general interest" that has been developed within the European Union, and that has been stimulated by the release of several European Union documents (Announcements from 1996 and 2001, the Green Paper from 2003 and White Paper from 2004). The significance of this concept lies in the fact that it reflects the main conflict related to the development of the so-called European Model of Society, which attempts to reconcile the demands resulting from the welfare state on the one hand, with making provisions for the uninterrupted functioning of the common market on the other. Basic elements for the development of the concept of social services of general interest are proposed, attempting to point out to their specificities with regard to the category of economic services of general interest. Special attention is given to the critical analysis of the judicial practice of the European Court of Justice with regard to social services that this Court has issued decisions on. Due to specificities of social services, their special treatment in the process of reform that those services are undergoing is recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The turmoils in international relations following the fall of the Berlin wall represented a serious challenge for the overall concept of European political unity. In its first international assignment outside the context of the Cold war, traditional national interests and animosities surfaced, and they demonstrated rather precisely all the complexity of the project promulgated by the Maastricht Agreement. At the time there was no common European approach to the solution of the crisis on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and no consent regarding the key issues, such as the recognition of the former Yugoslav republics as sovereign entities i.e. defining the criteria for their recognition. The paper focuses on this very specificity of the new approach to this problem, since it has increasingly been a subject of discretionary political decisions rather than the issue of international law in the traditional sense of meeting certain criteria for state recognition. And finally, concerning the degree of encroaching upon national sovereignty, there is a marked difference between the nature of the process of shaping a common foreign and security policy and shaping policies in other areas (e.g. transport, science and education, and so on). Also, the importance of developing an awareness of this difference as the main precondition for the realization of the project of the EU political integration is pointed out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]