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This paper undertakes a reading of the UK government’s recent white paper, Secure Borders, Safe Havens. The aim is to investigate the politics of in/security by comparing it not with the geopolitics of the Cold War but with the politics and discourse of social security. The paper concludes by proposing a concept of ‘domopolitics’ to make sense of the identities and practices present in British immigration debates, but also in the US experience of ‘homeland’ security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to focus on the European Union (EU) level of governance and its impact on the national gender equality politics. More specifically, the paper will be an exploration into the ways in which the EU’s domestic violence agenda shapes the national policies of two EU member states, Britain and Finland. The EU policies are developed in the context of differing conceptions of gender equality in the member states. The paper asks what consequences does the difference between EU discourses and national discourses have for the adoption and implementation of EU policies in the national level. The paper will proceed as follows. It will, first, look into the national discourses on domestic violence in Britain and in Finland. Second, it will focus upon the EU policies, legislation and recommendations on violence against women. Finally, it will compare the EU discourses to the two differing sets of national discourses, and analyse the problems and possibilities that emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on the policy processes and inter-allied negotiations that led to the Treaty of Versailles limitations on German armaments. It will compare British and French approaches to the issue, and consider both naval and land disarmament, including fortifications as well as mobile forces. It will provide a longer-term context for the later papers by referring to pre-1914 precedents for the inter-war disarmament debate. It will relate policy differences towards Germany to concerns about the future balance of strength between the victors themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In attempting to explain Britain's movement toward free trade in the nineteenth century, much academic work has centered on the 1846 repeal of the Corn Laws. (Irwin 1989; Schonhardt-Bailey 2006) This focus is understandable given the symbolic importance of the Corn Laws to both protectionists and free-traders alike. British policymakers, however, first began their march toward free trade more than half a century earlier, in the midst of the "colonial crises" that tore the British Empire asunder. This paper argues that these innovations followed directly from the efforts of Adam Smith to respond to these crises with an alternative bundle of foreign economic policies. Rather than integrating the colonies within the empire and fostering security for Britain, Smith argued that the mercantilists' attempts to direct trade had driven the American and Irish colonies into open rebellion and exacerbated Anglo-French tensions. Smith convinced key policymakers-- including several Prime Ministers--that such crises could be averted by liberalizing commerce with both its colonies and its traditional rival, France. The success of these experiments in the 1780s inspired the subsequent movements towards free trade in the nineteenth century. This paper makes three distinct contributions. First, it challenges one of the most influential theories of IPE by demonstrating that openness can come before hegemony, not just during and after (Kindleberger 1973; Krasner 1976; Keohane 1984). Second, it reveals that crises may often lead to shifts from closure toward openness, rather than just toward closure (Schattschneider 1935; Eichengreen 1983). Finally, it advances our understanding of the crucial role intellectuals play in shaping policymakers' responses to crisis (Hall 1989; Goldstein and Keohane 1993; Legro 2000; Blyth 2002; Bleich 2003). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a crucial historical period (1939-1940) when political authority around the world was in serious transition. Given the possibility of a Nazified Europe, this paper explores a forgotten chapter of World War II: the shipments nearly all of Britain's liquid assets to Canada and the US. Congressional legislation at the time required Allies to pay for military and civilian goods with cash. Thus, before Lend-Lease, Britain was forced to undertake the risky enterprise of ferrying gold and dollarbased securities to North America to pay for both civilian goods and war materiel. This episode in the war highlights the value of counterfactual analysis. If the ships had been sunk or captured, Britain's precarious stance against Germany could have collapsed, and with it the hopes of the rest of the Allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil-military relations have become increasingly institutionalized in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. Nevertheless, attempts to strengthen the interface between military and humanitarian communities have been permeated by many conceptual and operational dilemmas. Analysts have raised a series of issues not only about the operational viability of promoting coherent civil-military relations, but also regarding the very proposition to forge any kind of identity between the two communities. Critics argue that the extensive militarization of humanitarian affairs and the integration of military and humanitarians are corrupting humanitarian principles and subordinating humanitarians to military logic/structures. The main argument is that civil-military relations reinforce hegemonic statecentric approaches over more solidarist, emancipatory and non-statist ones. This paper does not follow this position neither aims to retake the pluralism-solidarist debate. Instead, it proposes to articulate the engagement of peacekeepers in civilian protection from a normative and institutional perspective which gives room to problematize the state-centric logic guiding UN soldiers in peace missions. By framing peacekeepers as polis-keepers, the paper tries to understand civil-military relations in less clashing terms so as to respond to growing demands for a more open dialogue between military and humanitarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyze, using policy paradigm theory the evolution of a market oriented energy policy paradigm in the United Kingdom with some analysis of how this effects UK energy foreign policy toward Russia. Policy paradigm theory, based in the work of Peter Hall (1993) but further developed by Colin Hay, among others, will be applied to each country's energy policy making process. This paper will argue that the market oriented approach to energy policymaking in the UK has its roots in a conceptualization of energy as a sub-sector of the economy and that the way in which policy is devised and carried out, is firmly embedded within and facilitated by distinct local institutional arrangements, norms and ideas. This theory will be empirically tested using UK official energy policy documentation alongside a limited number of interviews. Lastly, this paper will point towards some of the normative implications of the adoption of this paradigm and towards some of the contradictions and change which have most recently been occuring. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Labour government's post- 9/11 counter-terrorism policy for international terrorism has caused much controversy in the United Kingdom due to its similarity to pre- 9/11 counter-terrorism legislation for terrorism in Northern Ireland and its willingness to perpetuate the subjugation of civil liberties. Since 9/11 much has been made in academia, the press and within the US administration of the lessons that can be learned from the UK's experience countering terrorism in Northern Ireland, but the validity of this experience must be questioned. This paper will assess the evolution of British governments' responses to domestic and international terrorism in the UK since 1969, to draw out common themes from counter-terrorism policy over forty years. The aim will be to determine what lessons (if any) were learned from the experience of countering terrorism in Northern Ireland and how these lessons were applied to the new threat from international terrorism post- 9/11. The focus of this paper will be on how counter-terrorism legislation may subjugate civil liberties and perpetuate the conditions on which terrorism thrives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some in the literature on the Democratic Peace, particularly John Owen, have suggested that the underlying mechanisms of the democratic peace function both with other democracies and with non-democracies. Unfortunately, the mechanisms of the democratic peace remain ambiguous. Constructivist work on the democratic peace, and security in general, has made significant headway in exploring the mechanisms that drive the phenomenon, but significant gaps remain. In particular, while constructivist scholars have shed considerable light on the construction of security within the mind of leaders, little work has been done on how democratic leaders convey those constructions to the public. The paper seeks to address this lacuna. Using the Copenhagen School's securitization framework, this paper focuses on the role of identity in how democratic political leaders construct security threats. The paper also seeks to link the construction of threat in the mind of policy maker with the construction of threat in the public. To do so, a case study is made of the buildup to British involvement in Iraq. The conclusions are significant. The paper finds that at the personal level, Tony Blair relied on identity as a critical marker indicating potential threat. In turn, Blair used the language of identity in his efforts to securitize Iraq to the public. While there are some indications that he was successful, there are also indications that the democratic identity of Britons also served to block support of unilateral action. For the public, the role of identity is complex, and while the public democratic identity is clearly powerful, it operates in nuanced ways. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Risk assessments on organized crime are intended to determine which criminalnetworks pose the greatest risk to society and to assess the nature and level of the negativeconsequences or "harms" from organized crime's illicit activities. In this paper, "harm" is definedas the type and level of adverse consequences, intentional or inadvertent, resulting from criminalactivities undertaken by organized crime. This paper explores the concept of harm analysis froma Canadian perspective in light of similar explorations in the United Kingdom and Australia, andalso discusses the practical and theoretical challenges involved in implementing a technique toevaluate and rank the harms from organized crime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2008, the British Army published its response to human rights abuses and killings of Iraqi civilians perpetrated by its soldiers between 2003 and 2004. The report quickly moves to a 'bad apple' explanation, suggesting only 'endemic' abuse would be sufficient grounds for organisational change. Blame is thus located solely in those directly involved. These soldiers, the British Army claims, must have deviated from core values and standards, lacked psychological strength, or wrongly applied treatment they could be subjected to by the 'enemy other' to civilians they confused with that 'enemy other'. These explanations constitute the perpetrators are sovereign individuals, whose violence relates to the exceptional, the emergency and the spectre of the protean terrorist enemy. However, by undertaking a biopolitical analysis of these claims, this paper explores how wider relationships of power, in which the state of exception, emergency and siege have become routinised grounds for violence, enable these acts to be constituted as individual. Seen this way, torture is no longer beyond the control or culpability of the Army as institution. However, neither can it be removed from the political-spatial dimension in which it took place; in the context of the so-called 'war on terror'. The paper concludes by theorising the implications of this reading for the resistance of torture. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confronting terrorism from within as well as from without is a fraught and complex task for any government. First and foremost, there is the crucial challenge of holding the balance between public safety and fundamental democratic liberties and values. Terrorism shapes interactions among political actors over long periods of time through a dynamic process in which violence alters the conditions under which it initially occurs. Many consequences are unintended, but it is rare that the government's responses in countering terrorism do not alter political institutions, values, and behavior, as well as the overall function of society. This paper will argue that it is critically important to assess the effects, not only of terrorism, but of counter-terrorism on social and political structures as they relate to stability and democracy. It is this paper's view that certain models of counter-terrorism policy and rhetoric can actually do more harm than good. Drawing on the UK's post-7/7 counter-terrorism experiences this paper will try to answer the question of how does a society assess how many of its values should be surrendered in order to increase protection from terrorist attacks, and whether the resulting policies should preserve both value-driven politics, as well as liberal democracy on which these policies are based. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will begin with an assessment of the current state of the US-UK ‘special relationship’. It will argue that the ‘special’ nature of the relationship exists in the realms of institutionalised defence co-operation and intelligence sharing. The paper will review other accounts of the ‘specialness’ of the relationship, including cultural arguments. The paper will argue that ‘special’ relations were receding in the 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the sharpening of the European integration agenda. The relationship was renewed, so the paper will argue, as a result of the commitment of Prime Minister Tony Blair both to the relationship itself, and to the doctrine of liberal internationalism/interventionism.The second part of the paper will look forward to US-UK relations in the post-Blair and post-Bush eras. Developments in Conservative Party thinking on the ‘special relationship’ will be reviewed, along with prospects for US-UK relations under Prime Minister Gordon Brown. The relationship will also be examined in connection with the likely trajectory of US foreign policy in the next ten or so years. The conclusion will be that ‘specialness’ in the relationship is likely to decline in line with the expectations that attended the close of the Cold War in the early 1990s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyse to what extent the U.S. and British armies have been able to transform and adapt their doctrine, organisational structure, and operational methods, to the growing phenomenon of low-intensity conflict (LIC) warfare since the end of the Cold War. The paper will adopt an organisational analysis approach and use case studies from previous and contemporary conflict arenas (e.g., Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq). The research objectives of the paper are: 1) to examine the nature and extent of adaptation U.S. and British armies have undergone in order to operate effectively within the LIC operations since the end of the Cold War; 2) to assess to what extent the organisational culture of each army has either encouraged or resisted such adaptation and transformation to LIC warfare; and 3) to assess to what degree the unique military culture of each army has influenced the way it has responded to the pressures and constraints imposed on it by the civilian-political leadership echelons to innovate and adapt to LIC warfare.By applying the organisational culture approach, this paper will shed greater light on the constraints and opportunities that conventional militaries face when seeking to adapt themselves to the complex reality of low-intensity conflicts and test the validity of organisational culture as an explanatory tool in the context of non-conventional force transformation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the causes and consequences of the diffusion of military power in the international system, focusing specifically on the spread of new forms of naval power in the late 19th and early 20th century. The paper applies a framework called “adoption capacity theory” as a lens to understand the spread of new shifts in the basis of naval power, looking at how actions like the changes from sail to steam and wood to iron to steel, as well as the invention of weapons like the torpedo and submarine, influenced naval power. The results show that the relatively low organizational change requirements for adopting these inventions, with the exception of the submarine, meant these inventions tended to benefit pre-existing rich and powerful naval powers like Great Britain. The submarine, on the other hand, as an organizationally disruptive change, placed Great Britain on the defensive and tended to benefit newer and more nimble naval powers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the way in which the UK has formulated its policy on enforced disappearance between 1976 and 1980. This period encompasses the Dirty Wars in Chile and Argentina, the prelude to the UK conflict with Argentina over the Falkland Islands and the formation of the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearance, the first thematic mechanism of its kind. This was a period of contrast for UK foreign policy; in terms of responses to so called 'dirty war' at the UN and mission level. The primary material for this paper is derived from interviews with foreign policy thinkers and influencers during this period and recently released archival material. This paper seeks to shed light on the formulation process behind these policies. It will look at the way in which external actors influence foreign policy, question the role of organizational priorities in affecting the policy product and examine the dialectical relationship between human rights and national interest. In exploring this relationship, the paper seeks to bridge foreign policy analysis and human rights. More broadly the paper seeks to explicate the linkages between disappearance and other extra-judicial activities, shedding light on the under explored phenomena of Dirty War. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to develop a theory of government reaction toward non-state nationalist actors that employ violence to achieve their political objectives. Some factors that may influence the nature of target state response include: popular support for the organization, economic vitality of the state, the partisan composition (on a left-right dimension) of the government, and the intensityâ€"and, notably, the locationâ€"of violence. While a substantial literature has examined state repression, little work has considered what David Baldwin (2000)calls the full “menu of choice,” or possible range of state actions, which include, repression, concessions, and symbolic action or rhetoric. This paper examines the conflict between the IRA and Britain. I have constructed an event-count dataset based on Keesing’s Contemporary Archives for this case, which identifies and quantifies both the intensity of IRA violence and the nature of British state actions from 1968-2001. The dynamic Poisson regression technique is employed to determine any causal effects. The analysis reveals that while left-oriented governments are more likely to offer concessions to such nationalist actors, both rightist and leftist governments are likely to use repressive measures. Concessions are also more likely when popular support for the nationalist organization is shown to have decreased. As for the location of violence, state actors will generally use less repression when violence occurs in contested territory (i.e. in Northern Ireland) than when it occurs on home territory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper hypothesizes that Islamic extremists gather and interpret information and experience by participating in communities of practice where veteran militants socialize novices to the norms and practices of jihad; store this knowledge in practices, procedures, and artifacts (including Internet documents and web sites); and select and retain innovations that produce satisfactory results. In other words, Islamists learn, building skills, improving practices, and becoming increasingly difficult for government law enforcers to eliminate. Drawing on the author's fieldwork in Spain and the United Kingdom during the summer and fall of 2007, this paper will increase our understanding of how Islamic militants learn through a comparative case study of extremist networks in both countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores a very little researched area: the use(s) of the Internet for purposes of counter-terrorism pre- and post-9/11. It includes description and analysis of the use of the Internet for anti-terrorism in the immediate aftermath of 9/11; relevant legislation promulgated by the US, UK, and EU; and the changing role of the Internet in counter-terrorism operations with the development of the 'War on Terrorism.' The final section of the paper considers criticisms of the various operations engaged in and procedures adopted, and the outlook for the future(s) of the Net given the foregoing. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines why the UK, which has a good track record in counter insurgency, failed in its endeavours to stabilise southern Iraq. The paper examines the challenges that faced the UK in terms of a debate between those who believe that classical counter insurgency, as practised by the UK, is obsolete because the operating environment and motivation and modus operandi of the insurgent has changed radically. In contrast there are those who believe that that the UK approach actually still applies even in the chaos of places like Iraq and Afghanistan. My paper presents a more prosaic and depressing analysis of British failure in Iraq which focuses on the complete failure of the UK to develop or initiate what could be described as a counter insurgency strategy in Iraq, but that if properly applied such a strategy can still exert a positive strategic effect. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the politics of youth unemployment in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. For decades following World War II, joblessness among young people was consistently lower than the adult rate; today, however, Europeans between the ages of 18 and 25 are experiencing significantly higher levels of unemployment and underemployment in comparison to older workers, despite being better educated and a smaller total percentage of the population than previous generations. While traditional explanations of youth joblessness emphasize the transitory nature of the youth job market, maintaining that high levels of youth unemployment are, in a sense, “natural,” this paper argues that in France and the UK, young people have served as a “test” group for labor market liberalization for successive governments since the early 1980s. In France, this has led to a massive increase in unemployment rates for young people, while in the UK the effect has been a decline in the relative wages and employment rates for youth and a huge spike in the number of Britons under 25 involved in government education, training, and work schemes. In both countries, liberalizing the youth labor market has created an “insider/outsider” system for older and younger workers, with potential long-term political, economic, and social implications. While rigidities are still prevalent in the German youth job markets, the strength of the German apprenticeship system and the more deeply rooted system of legislative protections for youth have generally served to cushion young people from the negative side of labor market liberalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the diplomatic engagement of the EU3 (Germany, France and the UK) with Iran, in the context of growing regional and international concerns about the Iranian uranium enrichment programme and Tehran's perceived regional hegemonic ambitions. Drawing on the academic literature on coercive diplomacy/strategic coercion, this paper examines EU3 negotiating strategy and that of Tehran, focusing on three key elements: demands, threats and time frame. The central argument is that the Iran case is a unique, if not anomalous example of coalitional coercive diplomacy, in which the states engaging in diplomatic negotiations lack either the military capabilities or political will to threaten coercion, and the states making threats are not engaged in diplomacy. Nonetheless, the Iran issue provides an interesting case-study which highlights the possibilities and limitations of coalitional coercive diplomacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thinking about effective war termination is a crucial foundation for successful strategy. Shaping an end to armed conflict in ways that support the attainment of longer term political goals is as important for counter-insurgency as it is for any other use of armed force. Yet war termination is a chronically under-studied concept. There is a tendency to see effective counter-insurgency as simply the proper application of military operational and tactical principles. Ultimately, however, military success does not necessarily translate in a linear way into political success. Theories of war termination have much to say about why this is the case and about the difficulties involved in harnessing military aspects of counter-insurgency to an effective overall strategy.In order to examine the challenges of war termination in counter-insurgency, this paper uses as a case study the British campaign against Indonesia in Borneo from 1963-66. Borneo has two characteristics that make it useful as a case study: first, its apparent simplicity; second, the apparently overwhelming scale of the British success. As this paper demonstrates, however, both of these characteristics are more assumed than real. The relative simplicity of the military aspects of the campaign were overwhelmed by a complex and constrained political environment. The consequence of this was that British success was qualified and contingent.The basic challenges of war termination were as manifest in Borneo as they are in contemporary conflicts such as Iraq and Afghanistan. This paper argues that the broad lesson that can be drawn from examing counter-insurgency operations in Borneo is that a failure to consider war termination issues at the outset may make meaningful success fundamentally difficult to achieve. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The “theory” of preventive war predicts that states are most likely to undertake military action in response to a rising challenger if they expect that the adversary will surpass them in military strength and then engage in hostile behavior, so that a future war with the challenger is likely. The biggest apparent anomaly for this theory is the Western rejection of a strategy of prevention based on better-now-than-later logic in favor of the strategy of appeasement in the 1930s. In our previous work on the Rhineland Crisis of 1936 and the Czechoslovak Crisis of 1938, we demonstrated that the British and French non-response is not at odds with preventive war theory because British leaders believed that the transition had already occurred prior to 1936, leaving France and Britain with few options, and because French leaders would not take a firm stand against Germany without British support. This interpretation begs the question of why Britain and France did not respond more firmly to the rise of Hitler and to German rearmament before 1936, either through military buildups of their own, a containment strategy based on alliances, or perhaps through coercive threats or preventive military action. In this paper, we address this important question with an analysis of British and French government documents and private papers. We conclude with a discussion of the limits of preventive war theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will evaluate the process leading to a British decision to maintain its nuclear weapons capability and its consequences for British foreign policy with a view to arguing that a decision to not renew or to reverse a decision to renew could open up new and positive opportunities for British foreign policy. The paper will examine the nuclear decision in the context not just of the unilateral British position but also in relation to Britain's place in the foreign and defence policy process of the European Union. Particular attention will be paid to the role of Britain's European and Transatlantic partners in the framing of the British decision to maintain or not an ongoing nuclear capability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital revolution has created new opportunities for borderless industries such as online gambling. This has created new collective action problems as industry actors initially operate in a market without rules. In the absence of coordinated formal governance structures and institutions, the industry has responded by creating its own comprehensive self-regulatory regime. However, the United States and United Kingdom have had opposing responses: the US has increasingly sought to prohibit online gambling, while the UK has moved to regulate the industry. This paper examines the emergence of self-regulation for online gambling, and how it has been undermined or supported through the opposing legislative and regulatory responses of these two states. Taking an approach that draws on institutional analysis and design, the paper asks: what are the factors that led to the emergence of a comprehensive self-regulatory regime for this borderless industry in the absence of global governance? Why has the legislative response been so different in the US and the UK? Specifically, which interests and information have shaped their respective regulatory responses? How have these different responses affected the development of the online gambling industry and the capacity of the industry to regulate itself globally? The paper finds that the prohibition of online gambling by the US has done little to deter Americans from gambling online, but has led to the offshore expansion of the industry. The result is the rise of online gambling sites that are unregulated by the US, yet still have the potential to harm American consumers, particularly if their operators are not adherents to the industry’s self-regulation regime. On the other hand, the UK has formally adopted many of the same regulatory tools developed by the industry as effective means of regulation. The findings show that the US has created conditions under which defection from the self-regulatory regime is more likely, exposing consumers to higher risk. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of ‘human security’ has been the focus of much attention in both academic and policy circles since the end of the Cold War. Broadly speaking, this approach was characterized by, first, a shift from the state to the individual as the primary referent of security, and second, a broadening of the sources of insecurity beyond direct military threats to include, especially economic insecurity. This approach sees human rights as central to human security; thus, the human security approach is usually constructed as an ‘ethical alternative’ to realist conceptions of national security, which focus exclusively on state interest.While this would suggest that human security could accommodate the issues relating to women and gender, this paper will argue that this is not the case. By exploring the discourse of human security, the paper will expose its still militarized, and highly gendered, assumptions about the nature of security and humanitarianism. The dominant constructions of ‘human security’ obscure from view the nature, causes and consequences of insecurity for many of the world’s women, their families and their communities. This paper will seek to reconceptualize human security from the perspective of a critical, feminist ethics of care; here, security is understood as relational … I will argue that making human security ‘care-based’â€"rather than rights-based -- is integral to its success both conceptually and operationally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the specific case of interstate couples which share a colonial past, and to assess the extent to which patterns of international crisis management as well as perceptions of common interests are determined by this histortical heritage. In other words, what is the impact of the colonial past in relationships between the two "partners", in their perception of their national interests, and thus in their diplomatic behaviour? This paper will build on the case of the specific relationships Britain has built with several of its former colonies, in particular Ireland, in order to assess how the colonial relationships have been gradually replaced by a more egalitarian configuration in which both entities can develop relationships on an equal footing; in which instances or policy sectors colonialism and past experiences come back to the fore and affect collaboration; how a common past, even if painful, can be used as a resource for further cooperation and for overcoming difficulties or international crises; whether having some kind of "unfinished business" (such as the conflict in Northern Ireland) and living remnants of the colonisation period, gives birth to diverging patterns of interstate relationships. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since September 11th and particularly since the London bombings, 'faith' and 'religion' have taken on new importance within British policy discourse. However, this is not a new a phenomenon; how religion is now represented in policy discourse is part of a pattern of representational practices that evolved over the course of the twentieth century when policymakers encountered religion asserting itself in the political sphere. Britain’s experience with religious violence has particularly shaped how policymakers understand religion as a political force.This paper explores how religious violence has come to be represented within the discourse of British policymakers. Northern Ireland in the 1970s will be used as a case study in order to indicate how policymakers came to build a body of knowledge around politicized religion, which has ramifications for the post-September 11th period. This paper posits that authoritative, secular rationalism has developed as the epistemological and ontological position upon which British policy towards religious violence is based. Through this lens of authoritative, secular rationalism, conceptions of the nature of and appropriate response to religious violence have also become entangled with understandings of what role religion and secularism should play in political life. This has rendered problematic and potentially undermined the potential for an effective British response to religious conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since World War II, the United States government has frequently engaged its military abroad but support from leading transatlantic alliesâ€"Britain, France, and Italyâ€"has varied. In some cases, like Vietnam, allies responded to requests from Washington by refusing to provide troops to aid in the fighting. In other cases, like Kosovo, leading allies put their troops in harm’s way, providing support for the U.S.-led fighting force. The paper posits a neoclassical realist (i.e., based in international power and security but also sensitive to domestic factors) explanation of variance in allied support. First, it argues that an ally will be more likely to support the U.S. if it perceives the target of intervention to be a threat to its own interests. Second, an ally will be more likely to support the U.S. if it highly values its alliance relationship with the U.S. and perceives its support will impact the relationship. Third, the paper argues that an ally will be more likely to support the U.S. if its domestic public opinion favors support or if electoral competition is low (e.g., because of an unpopular opposition party). The paper provides preliminary analysis of seven cases where the United States put its forces in harm’s way and asked its allies for support: Vietnam, Lebanon, the Persian Gulf War, Somalia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and the 2003 Iraq War. The paper evaluates the neoclassical realist explanation compared to an alternative explanation rooted in constructivist theory. The paper concludes with recommendations for American policymakers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many explanations have been advanced in the face of the obvious failures of the official British and U.S. explanations to account for the war being waged on Iraq. In the U.K., discussion has tended to focus almost exclusively on the United States, with British involvement treated as tangential or at most supplemental, and explained largely with reference to aspects of Prime Minister Tony Blair’s personality or some broadly conceived U.K. national interest in maintaining close political relations with the United States. Missing from the discussion is recognition of recurrent features of U.K. foreign policy towards the Middle East and their relation to fundamental aspects of British political-economy, the increasing integration of British and U.S. capital, and the largely Anglo-American-led project of global economic re-structuring currently taking place. This paper focuses on British and U.S. interests in Iraq and larger Anglo-American ambitions that divide the U.K. and U.S. from France, Germany, and other EU and non-EU countries. Part I of the paper briefly reviews the history of British and U.S. foreign policies towards Iraq and the culmination of these policies in the invasion and take-over of the country. Part II places these events in the context of the political-economy of U.K.-U.S. relations and an on-going Anglo-American project of global reconstruction. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, there has been an upsurge of interest in the research on the effect of prime ministers on foreign policymaking. One of the most controversial issues within this body of research concerns the following question: What is the primary determinant of how prime ministers manage foreign policy decision-making processes in parliamentary systems? The response to the question has taken different shapes: Whereas students of comparative politics prioritized structural constraints that affect the power position of a prime minister (such as ministerial autonomy, existence of a pivotal party within the coalition, etc.), scholars in leadership studies emphasized the personality factor and leadership style. Structural approaches to the question tend to downplay the extent to which individual prime ministers can shape the process, while psychological perspectives understate the importance of external constraints within which any agent is to act. In seeking to bridge the relevant literatures in comparative politics and international relations, I offer a systematic comparison of prime ministerial management of foreign policy-making processes which attends simultaneously to institutional constraints and the leadership styles of individual prime ministers. Following the structured-focused comparison method, the paper focuses on a total of six cabinet decision-making cases in the United Kingdom, Germany, and Israel. The paper is guided by the following question: How does the interaction between leadership style and institutional constraints shape the prime ministerial management of the foreign policy decision-making process in various types of cabinets? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world dominated by nation-states privatised violence is often neglected: either as a relic of a more disorganised past, or as a marginal nuisance to states themselves. The prevalence and centrality of privatised violence both past and present - as part of or against the rise of nation-states or in the form of transnational terrorism, private military companies and banditry - warns against such complacency. An increasing academic interest in 'non-state' or privatised violence in international relations has been mirrored in the world of policy as terrorists, insurgents, and private military companies have all become an integral part of contemporary international relations. This paper seeks to consider both breaks and continuities in such expressions of force, with particular reference to the diverse forms and roles of sea borne violence in the eighteenth-century Atlantic world. Engaging with historical and political-economic accounts of piracy, privateering and their contemporary counterparts, the paper aims to shed light on the relationship between these expressions of violence and the reproduction of the British empire. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the international thought of Herbert Spencer, arguably the most influential liberal thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. Although Spencer stressed 'the great truth' that 'a society's internal and external policies are so bound together, that there cannot be an essential improvement of the one without an essential improvement of the other', remarkably little analysis of his international ideas exist. This paper analyses Spencer's international thought in the context of his wider philosophy situating both in their wider intellectual context. The paper pays particular attention to Spencer's distinction between militant and industrial societies that quickly became second nature to many progressives and which formed the backbone of his internationalism. Finally, the paper faces the vexed question of Spencer's intellectual influence. It is argued that Spencer's legacy is considerable. The paper briefly illustrates this argument by looking at the debt that figures like Hobson, Hobhouse and Angell owed to Spencer. Although the plasticity and malleability of Spencer's thinking as well as his idiosyncratic political views prevented him from finding a secure intellectual resting place after his death, his ideas formed part of the British internationalist tradition and were central in much subsequent British debate about imperialism, war, and the possibilities of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent years have seen increasing attention, in the context of studies of hegemony, to the concept of global reach, closely related to the concept of power projection. The latter, that is, can be used as one measure of hegemony. The author is amidst a research project on the history of basing access, involving the compilation of data for the Mongol Empire, Genoa and Venice, the Ottoman Empire, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, France, Great Britain, the U.s and the USSR. The data are mostly in hand. In this paper, I will deal with the factors of, among others, the relative geographic comprehensiveness of basing access, factors of time and distance (how long did it take a Portuguese fleet to get from Lisbon to India?), and how much gets projected. In the current period, of course, the U.S. has an almost comprehensive global reach via satellites, tanker refueling, long range missiles, etc. I will be looking at how global reach has developed over several centuries. That will also help in contributing to the debate in the literature over whether Portugal or Spain (or both) was the real hegemon in the 16th century long cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the UK bases in Cyprus this paper explores narratives of colonialism and security and the questions of ‘soft’ vs ‘hard’ colonialism; the sovereign base as a civilising site and a safe haven; and how local elites may collude and perpetuate such stories. It looks at how legal and political discourses have been employed in the postcolonial era to legitimate UK sovereignty and military presence in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are two ways of looking at Sovereignty. Realists make sovereignty a near-synonym of statehood and the axiomatic basis of the theory of international anarchy. By contrast, constructivists tend to view sovereignty as a norm, a social construction. Krasner’s a modified Realism accepts the notion that sovereignty is a construction but denies it constraining power as a norm, functioning only as hypocrisy. Alexander Wendt accepts it as a weak norm internalized only to the second degree in some aspects and in other respects accepts with Realists that sovereignty is a definitional attribute of statehood. Some constructivists emphasize its normative role further while post-modern constructivists emphasize its ephemeral value in a system of arbitrary symbols. The authors argue that state behavior demonstrates that sovereignty is a norm of the international system but that states regularly seek to evade or test its constraints. The task is to build a framework that can specify: 1. What constitutes behavior that demonstrates recognition of sovereignty as a norm 2. Which states act within the constraints of the norm of sovereignty and which do not 3. When states act within the norm and when they do not. This paper distinguishes the material contours of sovereignty from its normative and socially constructed features to show how leading powers shape the normative features of Sovereignty to construct an international system. We will look at Britain following the Napoleonic Wars, the Great Powers at Versailles, The US and the Soviet Union after WWII as a basis to understand the problems confronting the institutionalization of US hegemony today. A self-help system is constrained only by the gradient of power relations among states. Normative restraint is a direct alternative to reliance on one’s own power and that the context for normative restraint is a form of social knowledge based on the expectation of reciprocal restraints on the part of other actors. Powerful actors in the international system have the least incentive to prefer normative restraints to self-reliance. Preponderant power gives little incentive to respect the sovereignty of smaller, weaker states absent a powerful countervailing coalition. Ikenberry shows that the organization of a system of mutual restraints falls to leading powers at the time of post-War settlements and that these orders are designed to maximize the long-term advantages of leading states (Ikenberry 2001). Ikenberry suggests that the norm of sovereignty became to postwar order under Westphalia, but this was a limited European system. Little and Buzan show however, that the sovereign state became the norm of the international system only following decolonization after the Second World War. Ikenberry’s methodology suggests that the norm of sovereignty and institutional binding are alternative forms of system and international order, whereas the chronology developed by Little and Buzan (2000) suggests that sovereignty becomes universal only with the emergence of embedded liberalism in the post WWII era. In the post cold war era a new challenge to the universality of the norm of sovereignty has emerged with the twin projects of humanitarian intervention and the deliberate pursuit of a ‘democratic peace’ contained in the 2002 National Security Strategy of the US. Is universal democracy displacing sovereignty as a universal norm? Great power disunity surrounding the Iraq war is seen as conflict over competing norms as the basis of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies social-psychological theories of opinion formation to international norm dissemination by testing several hypotheses as they apply to the ECHR’s influence on British public opinion. The key finding is that while policy elites and policy professionals are more likely to be influenced if they are engaged in European affairs, the same logic shows that the public at large is insensitive to the Court’s influence. Methods include historical analysis, small-sample surveys and large-sample experimental designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of British arms trade NGOs in global governance: their ability to limit and regulate state activity in the field of arms exports, and their role in the construction of the normative architecture of global governance. British arms trade NGOs - Amnesty International UK, British American Security Information Council (BASIC), Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT), Oxfam GB and Saferworld ? work to hold the British Government to account and to stop controversial arms exports. However, beyond narrow questions of impact and effectiveness lie broader issues of global governance and resistance to the contemporary neo-liberal project. The NGOs under consideration vary in their objectives, strategies and impacts, and work on three levels: as individual organisations, as a coalition of NGOs and as part of a multi-actor system of global liberal governance that comprises northern governments, militaries, international organisations, NGOs and companies. Analysis on these different levels generates understanding of how British arms trade NGOs are implicated in the practices of global governance that continue to subordinate the global South to the North in a neo-liberal capitalist system, and can help identify avenues for action to resist this. Critically interrogating the vision of human rights and sustainable development that these NGOs work with, reveal that they have more in common with the state and the tenets of global liberal governance than is commonly imagined. This raises questions addressing what potential there is for counter-hegemonic resistance from these actors, how this can be acted upon and whether they want to enact it? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decade there has been an increase in the role of firms in the organisation and practice of UK diplomacy. UK Diplomacy is no longer (if it ever was) a hierarchically structured state activity but is rather a network system involving state as well as non-state actors - especially firms. In the UK, for example, firms are once again institutionally embedded within the diplomatic system as a result of recent government reforms. This paper highlights these developments and considers some of the political implications for UK diplomatic practice of moving ‘beyond the hegemony of the state.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon the emerging Critical Security Studies (CSS) literature to provide a critical overview and evaluation of Western (primarily US, British and IFI) engagement with the war in Sierra Leone (1991-2002). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the significance of 'identity' is recognised by security and governance scholars, individuals, like states, remain 'sovereign' for many theorists. Within this paradigm, identity belongs to - or at least belongs to for theoretical purposes - knowing social actors, whose active enactments of social reality warrant the attention of scholars. However, for those who eschew state-centric and humanistic explanations of global governance, Foucault's notion of governmentality has opened up important alternative avenues of analysis. By refocusing the analysis of power away from the Leviathan model towards an understanding of dispersed 'techniques and tactics of domination', governmentality provides a means for understanding how power relationships allow social actors to become good citizens with the capacity for self-governance and individuality. These analytical tools are particularly valuable for making sense of the global governance of populations at a time when the exercise of violence has become normative and routinised on the grounds of the exceptional, the emergency and the spectre of the protean terrorist enemy. As critical security scholars have shown, the politics of governance in times of emergency extends beyond foreign policy and military campaigns; it shapes logics of national identity that require 'good citizens' to identify and affirm boundaries of national security policies and practices. By focusing on recent debates around the introduction of biometric ID Cards in the UK, this paper explores how sovereign individualism is essential to maintaining and policing these boundaries of exception, and what different conditions of possibility this can offer to social actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on Britain’s approach to the negotiation of the Convention, her role at the Vienna Conference, her response to the outcome, and her difficulty in ratifying the Convention. In particular, it will focus on one of the most controversial ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examines the future of transatlantic relations from a British point of view in the post Bush-Blair era. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide a comparative analysis of state-Muslim relations in Britain, France and Russia by focusing on state-sponsored efforts to engage with and institutionalise moderate forms of Islam, compatible with the secular agenda of inter-conf ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the means by which the British Army has collected, disseminated, and used intelligence in its counter-insurgency campaigns. As a small army wishing to generate maximum effect, the British Army has always looked to intelligence as a sig ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is trying to look at the interaction between social and economic capital of the ethnic Chinese family business activities and networks in the UK. At the turn of the 20th century, increasingly more Chinese family business in the UK has penetrated ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research into Europeanisation has identified how integration in the EU can lead to the diffusion of ideas, norms or values. One of the weaknesses of this work is that it has generally focused on the policy sphere in isolation, often ignoring the central role the media plays in the diffusion of knowledge and ideas. This paper addresses this gap by asking to what extent and in what ways an intensification of communication among different national media systems is occurring, and through this, a diffusion of topics, frames and patterns of perception is taking place. It does this by looking at one of the 'hot' topics in the new Europe of 27, that of immigration, and compares media coverage in two EU countries - one old and one new member - the UK and Bulgaria. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will examine the thesis that policies on integration are converging in contradictory ways: civic integration and anti-discrimination. If the first implies a greater emphasis on unified civic values, the second implies support and legitima ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British foreign and domestic security policy towards Islamist extremism since 2001 has been shaped a kind of "secular ambivalence" within the policy process. This ideological phenomena is a by-product of domestic forces, in particular the evolution of British Christo-secularism since the 1960s. This is not confined to the United Kingdom, but is the response of a Christo-secular state to "religious violence" in the late modern period. This paper will lay out the defining characteristics of secular ambivalence as an unofficial ideological position. It will then explore the British encounter with the Mehdi Army in Iraq between 2003 and 2004 as an illustrative example of secular ambivalence in action. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]