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Scholars of world politics increasingly recognize the Eurocentric nature of theorizing in International Relations (IR). Yet they continue to lament the impossibility of any "inter-civilizational dialogue" taking place, not to mention the transformative impact it could have. Obstacles range from issues of language to translation to terms of debate to the unequal power relations that frame these exchanges. This paper argues that "inter-civilizational dialogue" occurs daily, intimately, substantively, and self-consciously. Fashion offers one such site. A sure sign of "modernization" for non-Western peoples, for example, is to change from "traditional" to "European" dress. Similarly, postcolonial revolution compels the reverse, as Gandhi and Nehru "disrobed" from Europe when they decided to fight for India's independence. Indeed, any area key to human relations (e.g., eating, speaking, singing, courting, and so on) demonstrates easily what scholars who fixate on "discourse" seem to have such a hard time grappling with: that is, the fluidity of border crossings from one civilizational domain to the next, and back again. Specifically, this paper will examine Karl Lagerfeld's 2009 fashion exhibit in China accompanied by his short film, "Paris-Shanghai: A Fantasy.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a heuristically useful model to analyse the European political cooperation. It is observed that the convergence between the theoretical fields of European Studies and International Relations since the 1990's enabled a greater understanding of political integration not only in Europe. This progressive theoretical convergence in both fields allows the ontological generalization of premises to the development of an analytical model for the study of political integration. In this sense, by outlining a heuristically model to analyse the European political cooperation, this paper offers the first step to observe similarities and differences between political integration processes beyond Europe. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific realism has a hard time finding a home. As well as the current gaps meaningfully connecting it to IR, there are looming lacunae in the interface between scientific realism and mainstream perspectives on European integration. This paper focuses upon the key understandings which emerge once the theoretical assumptions of European integration are subjected to the principles of scientific realism. One possible consequence is an ability to probe far more deeply into both the generative mechanisms of European integration and the unobservable structures of the EU itself than various atomistic or idealist views. The paper then suggests that scientific realism has the capacity to launch a robust critique of the underlying assumptions of European integration theory. Indeed, it may be uniquely capable of shedding light on the one issue that continues to bedevil European theorists of all stripes: the reality of the unobservable, which in this case includes the underlying political structures, social processes and economic relations instantiated for half a century. Europe’s success has also been its undoing: integration is still regarded as too ‘virtual’ to be of much ontological interest or epistemological value. Scientific realism however can help move integration debates away from current epistemological quagmires and toward a clearer idea of the independent dynamics of European integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing consensus that economic development alone will not result in democratization, universal values, and just societies. Investments in global governance seem necessary. But the discussion about global governance has often falsely featured the idea that there can be obvious joint solutions for obvious common problems. In fact, different actors pursue strikingly different, and often conflicting, versions of global governance. This paper explores the ongoing struggle for the governance of the global economy, featuring the competing proposals of transnational corporations and unions. This controversy has recently been transnationalized. The well-known activities of nationally based actors regarding their own governments, and the lobbying activities of international umbrella organizations regarding international organizations, are now complemented by transnational activities of nationally based actors. It is those new transnational actions that the paper focuses on, using recent conflicts between U.S.-based unions and Transnational Enterprises in the Americas, Asia, and Europe as the backdrop for a discussion of the contribution of such actions to the development of international values and norms. The paper argues that such contribution is necessarily limited because of the highly voluntaristic quality of both the corporations' and the unions' actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "Old America: Threats to 21st Century Transatlanticism and World Order in U.S. Foreign Policy" prepared for the "2005 International Studies Association Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. The key themes that emerged in the paper which show the widening gap between the U.S. and Europe include the defense spending gap and militarism versus pacifism. It suggests that the present trajectory of U.S. foreign policy under the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush has very little innovation.

The Information Age has fuelled many transitions in thinking about environment, security and world politics, including the growing need for states to engage in and secure access to space technologies not simply for power projection, but because of the lifeline they provide to the world economy and knowledge about resources and the environment. From a backdrop of economic liberalization, growing dependencies by large and small states on Earth observation and communication satellites, and the tenuous balance between private, civilian and military interests in space for commerce, environment and defence, this paper will address the potential opportunity for international collaboration in Earth observation to hedge against policies of unilateral space control by dominant military actors. Through an examination of a need for cooperation in global change research utilizing Earth observation from space, the paper characterizes this cooperation as a form of environmental governance consistent with a power shift beyond U.S. dominance. As an original leader in global change research and a growing stakeholder in the competitive commercial remote sensing market, the U.S. has created unique challenges, responsibilities and opportunities for itself in balancing dominant military discourses of space control with global demands for environmental information. Past and present proposals for institutionalized cooperation in Global Earth Observing Systems, the European Union's recent Global Monitoring for Environment and Security initiative and the U.S. Earth Observation System will be discussed as potential models for responding to these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What impact has the crisis over Iraq had on transatlantic relations? What lessons have Europeans and Americans learned, and will these be conducive to a more cooperative relationship in the future? Has the Iraq war â€" after 11/9 and 9/11 â€" marked a third downward turn in transatlantic relations? Instead of investigating the causes and reasons for the transatlantic crisis over Iraq, this paper uses the 'Iraq crisis' of 2003 as an illustrative case study for conceptualizing the quality of cooperation, conflicts and crises. Presuming that cooperation is the normal mode of conflict resolution in the transatlantic 'security community', the degree of cooperation failure is used to differentiate conflicts from crises and issue conflicts/ crises from community conflicts/ crises. Empirically, the illustrative case study focuses on the impact and consequences of the Iraq crisis on transatlantic relations in general. It shows the distinct quality of cooperation rendering the Iraq issue a manifest transatlantic issues crisis. 'Measured' by the same set of indicators for transatlantic cooperation it seems to be questionable, however, whether this issue crisis has led to a substantial decline in overall cooperation in transatlantic relations on a community level. It certainly is not signifying the often attested 'end of transatlantic cooperative relations'. Starting from these considerations, this investigation figures as a necessary prerequisite for any thorough and distinct evaluative or causal analysis of the quality of cooperation among the transatlantic partners, regardless of whether we are interested in qualifying a specific instance in transatlantic relations or the overall relationship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines developments in EU Member States’ counter-terrorism policies in the last decade. Most EU initiatives to develop a common European capacity to prevent terrorism from the mid-1990s have aimed at improving cooperation among the Member States. Concerned onlookers still wait for these efforts to produce intended results. While these problems can be attributed an unwillingness to suspend the sovereign prerogative in national security matters, another related reason is arguably that the Member States have very different national counter-terrorism legacies. Previous empirical research on counter-terrorism within the EU only gives some guidance as to whether this would be a reasonable claim. First, it has yet presented few comparable indicators of Member States’ counter-terrorism policies. All previous studies draw on case studies or, at best, comparative case studies, rendering longitudinal systematic comparison within and across polities difficult. Second, most previous research has primarily focused on an overly narrow conception of counter-terrorism policy. Urging the need for systematic studies in this area, the objective of this study is to develop a conceptual framework and an analytical method to study counter-terrorism policies of EU Member States. We proceed in two steps. First, we define counter-terrorism policy as a two-dimensional concept combining Member States’ positioning on (a) counter-terrorism ambitions and (b) civil rights ambitions. Striking a balance between these core values is the most critical challenge in the liberal democratic response to terrorism. Second, we estimate all Member States’ positioning in this two-dimensional space over time (1996-2006) by resorting to paneldata obtained from various EU bodies following key conventions related to counter-terrorism cooperation in Europe. These data will enable us to analyze the correlation between the fight against terrorism and the civil rights ambitions of the Member States. Adjacently we will be able to show how national experiences of terrorism affect cohesion and diversity among EU Member States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the possible place of the Organisational Theory in the European Studies literature.Specifically, it makes three contributions to this literature: first, it presents a general framework to apply theStructural Contingency Theory branch of the Organisational Theory to European integration. Secondly, it arguesthat some well-known theoretical approaches to European integration can be placed in this framework asapplications of the Structural Contingency Theory. Thirdly, from within the framework in question, the paperapplies Donaldson's SARFIT model to the European integration process for the first time in the literature. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Observers of the EU's development cooperation policy have noted that the EU has increasingly focused attention on wealthier developing nations and the near-abroad, promoted neoliberal approaches to development, and subordinated development objectives to foreign and security policy considerations. These trends in development policy have drawn attention away from the world's poorest countries and have limited the poverty eradication orientation of EU policy. This paper examines how the way the European development network has been integrated into the EU's political system has shaped the ability of development NGOs to influence the direction that EU development policy has recently taken. The analysis suggests that the development network's role as an intermediary between the European Commission and NGOs seeking funding for project implementation has led the network to concentrate on its administrative functions at the expense of its advocacy work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on international police cooperation in Europe prepared for the 46th Annual International Studies Association Convention in March 2005. It provides a critical assessment of liberal intergovernmentalism as the only established theory of national preference formation. It shows why intergovernmentalism is difficult to apply to policy areas other than economic cooperation. It chooses the empirical domain of international police cooperation to illustrate how the scheme can be applied.

This paper examines the transatlantic dimension of European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). It argues that the EU's growing strategic role in the countries and regions of its periphery has significant implications for the US and transatlantic relations. It analyzes the extent to which US and EU interests coincide or conflict in particular parts of the European neighborhood, as well as the prospects for transatlantic cooperation in Europe's "near abroad." It also considers the larger implications of ENP for the US and global order. Contrary to the predominant neo-realist view, I argue that ENP and the EU's growing strategic engagement in its periphery represent a potential challenge for US global hegemony and leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the potential impact of the EU's European Neighborhood Policy on democracy and human rights in the partner countries. On the one hand, the political conditionality advocated in the ENP documents is consistent with the general approach the EU has taken toward the institutionalization of its relations with nonmember countries. A data-based analysis of the political impact of Partnership and Cooperation Agreements with the Eastern European ENP countries and of the Barcelona Process shows, however, that political conditionality has been neither consistent nor effective and there are no reasons to believe that this will change under ENP. I argue that this is not primarily due to the inconsistency of political conditionality but to the combination of weak external incentives and high domestic adaptation costs. A case study of Belarus illustrates this conjecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom holds that the transatlantic relationship has changed fundamentally since the end of the cold war. Diverging power disparities, cultural predilections, and national interests have prompted America and the states of Europe to adopt incompatible foreign policy orientations that make cooperation increasingly difficult. Until Europe becomes powerful enough to balance the United States militarily, the former partners? foreign policies will continue to diverge and joint action will remain illusory. This article rejects the conventional wisdom to demonstrate that while cultural incompatibilities do lie at the heart of the transatlantic rift, a particular type of communication that takes place in specific institutional settings can ameliorate the effect of these incompatibilities. The effectiveness of this model is illustrated through an in-depth case study analysis of transatlantic efforts to resolve the conflict in Bosnia. The conclusion extends this analysis to the recent transatlantic divisions over the war in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the majority of political circles as well as people at large want to join Europe, then it should be clearly stressed that the road to Europe goes through the regional cooperation. It has its traditoin and also chances in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of European energy security has brought attention to the strategic significance of Southeastern Europe as a transport hub of natural gas and a key region for European energy security. The questions how to secure natural gas quantities sufficient for increasing European needs and how to reduce energy dependency on Russia led to pipeline projects aiming to provide the European market with non-Russian natural gas. This allowed for the emergence of a new field of Greek-Turkish cooperation. The Turkey-Greece-Italy (TGI) Interconnector project aspires to bring Azerbaijani, Iranian, Turkmen, Kazakh, Egyptian and even Iraqi natural gas to Europe. It also also comprises an example of the paradigmatic shift that has characterized Greek-Turkish relations since the late 1990s. To meet increasing natural gas demand and reduce energy dependency on Russia, European authorities need to promote the realization of projects contributing to the diversification of natural gas supply, alongside improving its relationship with Russia, two targets which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As recent scholarship (especially Morrow 2007) has illustrated, compliance with the law of war is strongly related to reciprocity and regime type. We argue, however, that these variables are only part of the puzzle. As the historical development of the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European foreign and security policy is an issue area characterized by multiple international institutions with overlapping jurisdictions and duplicative memberships. How do states decide which institution or institutions to use when they want to cooperate on foreign policy? What factors matter when they make that decision â€" characteristics of the institution, or characteristics of the issue? This investigation into forum shopping behavior in European foreign policy cooperation goes beyond existing studies of forum shopping in three ways. First, it examines both the choice among institutions as well as the choice to use an institution; unilateral behavior and ad hoc multilateral cooperation are also outcome of interest. Second, its sample consists of a random set of international events drawn from .Keesing’s Contemporary Archive.. This innovative sampling approach helps to correct for the selection bias that would arise from studying only examples of successful cooperation. Third, it uses a seemingly unrelated probit approach to explore the dynamics of complementarity and substitution among the outcomes of interest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US- Adriatic Charter, an initiative in the spirit of the 1998 U.S.-Baltic Charter, was proposed jointly by the Presidents of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia to President Bush at the NATO Prague Summit in November 2002. It was signed by four ministers of foreign affairs in Tirana on May 2, 2003. Charter as a diplomatic project had two objectives -- to secure the open door NATO policy and to provide framework for the cooperation and mutual support of candidate countries. On both of these two accounts it was successful. The Charter partners made strong commitments on such areas as democratic reforms and the creation of the conditions for NATO membership. Additional effect of the Charter is the very real progress made in mutual relations of the countries of South East Europe by improving the security conditions in the region. US-Adriatic Charter of Partnership is a successful example of cooperation among small states with common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of norm-based international cooperation and European Stability and Growth Pact. The author argues that it is the credibility problems associated with rigid rules that explain the broad adoption of less binding norms. It suggests that a high level of cooperation can be achieved in a norm-supported equilibrium than can be strictly enforced. It concludes that the standard punishment-oriented analysis of international cooperation can be misleading for it focuses attention on the wrong mechanism.

The article explores the opportunities and constraints of European Union (EU) agenda-setting in the negotiations between the EU and South Africa using an adaptation of Robert Putnam's two- (extended to three-) level game model. It provides an outline of the negotiations leading to the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It details the strengths and weaknesses of using the adapted version of the three-level game model.

International organizations have intervened extensively in the transformation process of the countries in (South) Eastern Europe, in particular for the sake of democratization. Especially the European Union (EU) has heavily drawn on strict conditionality in order to make these countries comply with its political, democratic accession criteria. However, as demonstrated by Schimmelfennig and others (2005) in particular, EU political conditionality has proven rather irrelevant in autocratically ruled states. Furthermore, in unstable democracies where EU conditionality has been apparently successful by strengthening liberal politics immediately and fast, its long-term outcome might be much more shallow and also reversible (Goetz 2005). This paper aims to explain these discrepancies by bringing the factor ‘national identity’ back into focus.Constructivist approaches show that national identity can hinder successful external democratization. This is particularly true for nationalistic identities whose fundament contradicts liberal democratic norms and values. The reasons for the importance of identity can be twofold. Conditionality as an incentive-based democratization strategy aims at influencing the cost-benefit-calculation of the target state’s government. However, albeit the huge incentive of membership, (semi-) autocratic leaders were often not responsive to the sticks & carrots in fields considered as crucial for national identification processes at that time. Secondly, conditionality proved to be successful in transferring rules in countries where an initial change towards democracy had already taken place. However, transitologists argue that ‘deep’ democratization, i.e. democratic consolidation in the sense of cultural adaptation of democratic norms and practices in the medium and long run, requires substantial change of preferences which cannot be achieved by strict conditionality. If the underlying nationalistic identity resists the initial democratization efforts, it will hamper further political-cultural consolidation of democracy in the respective country. The region of South Eastern Europe shows exemplarily how nationalistic identities limit the impact of external actors’ engagement. In this region identity-related issues play a central role in the political arena. The case of Croatia is a particularly suitable example to illustrate the theoretically elaborated arguments. In the 1990s conditionality has proven rather irrelevant in inducing decisive changes since compliance with the EU conditions meant for Tudjman co-operating with countries which were still seen as ethnic rivals. Although the more progressive governments Racan and Sanader quickly transformed their country into a democratic functioning state, they were, however, always reluctant to sustainable reforms as far as cornerstones of the national identity were concerned, such as the integration of the Serb minority.The paper proceeds as follows. In the first part, we briefly outline political conditionality as an instrument of democracy promotion. Secondly, we identify the conditions under which national identity hinders the internalization of democratic norms and principles. This will lead us to the main part of the paper in which we discuss the capacity of political conditionality to bring about democratization beyond superficial compliance with formal political criteria. We illustrate our argument using the example of Croatia with some spotlights on the Former Yugoslavia/Serbia. In sum, we argue that the strong and ‘top-down’ accession conditionality imposed by the EU in (South) Eastern countries could well have the effect of hindering democratic socialization so as to result in only ‘shallow democratization’ at best. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are security concerns opponents of international cooperation? This paper argues that securitization is not necessarily unwanted from an internationalist perspective. To the contrary, security concerns may figure as catalysts either for self-help or for international cooperation depending on the differential characteristics with which they are being framed. Developing the notion of complex securitization, the paper categorises different ideal-typical security concern framings according to their referent object(s), rivalry, exclusiveness and agency, arguing that although some ideally-typical outlooks generate isolationist discourses others effectively empower internationalist decision-making. In this analytical framework, the current European threat environment is qualified as a modern public bad situation, i.e. a host of non-rival, non-exclusive and non-state sponsored security problems. Scaling complex securitization up to the international system, the paper argues that post-cold war Europe is marked by a convergence of this particular view among continental policymakers. This insecurity community establishes cooperative peace as a reaction to the subjectively assessed nature of the contemporary security concerns, not based on shared values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first paper on the panel, by Michael Smith and Katja Weber, identifies factors that are likely to influence the type of governance structure chosen. It then develops a classification scheme for analyzing different types of policy coordination. Using data from the EU?s long history of relations with a variety of non-member states, the primary goal of the paper is to ascertain whether the EU can promote different forms of cooperation with the wider Europe without being able to extend the promise of EU membership. This scheme, in turn, is examined in more detail by the three other papers on the panel. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to show the extent to which regional architectural membership changed as a function of the end of the Cold War and as resistance to American hegemony increased across regions outside of Europe. The paper builds on two previous efforts to map IGO architectural arrangements prior to the end of the Cold War era. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinizes EU external governance in Mediterranean countries as a novel form of association. Starting from the institutional set up of the ENP, it scrutinises how far ENP cooperation with the Mediterranean departs from earlier cooperation under the Barcelona process and constitutes a deeper level of association. In order to analyse this, the paper takes a comparative perspective and analyses how far the institutional set up and the substance of cooperation with two Mediterranean countries, Morocco and Tunisia, is comparable to that with the Eastern neighbours under the ENP (esp. Ukraine and Moldova), or even the model of the European Economic Area which has officially inspired the ENP. Shifting from an institutional comparison of these different forms of association at the macro level to their micro-foundations within individual policy areas, it analyses the emergence and functioning of external governance in the following policy areas: justice and home affairs, energy, environment, transport, and research and development. The comparative framework shall allow to investigate not only the dynamics behind EU-neighbourhood relations, but also to look more closely at the tension between European influence as "normative power" and interest-led foreign policy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Normalization of relations in the Western Balkan / SEE is opening chances for wider contacts in economy. The paper is showing how far the economic regional cooperation is going and what does it mean for the economic integration of the SEE in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the endogenous strategic considerations in simultaneously creating, enlarging, and deepening an international union of countries. What explains for example the heightened legislative activity within the EU in the periods leading up to ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the role of the Secretary General of the European Council and his role in the development of European intelligence cooperation. While most studies of delegated leadership suggests that states empower autonomous institutional actors in ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical interests of the United States have been present at the beginning of and throughout the encouraged European integration process. During the cold war American economic power and penetration, financial hegemony and an American military ‘protectorate system’ ensured the enmeshment of individual European nation-states with the American informal Empire. In the 1970s the relative decline of American hegemony was counteracted by institutional frameworks for compromise negotiation. Simultaneously, the European integration process gained momentum. The end of the cold war has altered the situation of dependence for the European Union. While the accelerated implementation of Anglo-American finance market capitalism in continental Europe produced growing convergence and the Eastern expansion of NATO hurries ahead of an expanding and increasingly immobile EU, at the same time transnational class formation in Europe independently of the US and the emergence of forms of European statehood with second degree Poulantzasian condensation of power relations in the areas of finance and common foreign and security policy lay the foundations for a potential Euro-imperialist project which does not merely aim to improve its position within the imperialist chain but might at some point challenge the supremacy of the United States. The paper discusses the degree to which forms of statehood have emerged at the European level and how their relationship to the United States oscillates between cooperation and conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1992 Maastricht Agreement gave hope to some of the more optimistic EU scholars, policy makers, and other observers that a new era of foreign, security, and defense policy integration among EU member states was near. After some fifteen years since the signing of the Maastricht Agreement it is appropriate to take stock of the extent to which European states have been able to forge an "ever closer union" in foreign, security, and defense policy.Integration in these areas has neither achieved what the most optimistic EU observers had anticipated nor has it failed as miserably as the most pessimistic had predicted. The results are rather mixed. Variation among EU member states regarding the level of support for closer integration in foreign, security, and defense policy persists, and as the prelude to the Iraq War in 2003 demonstrated, EU member states are not immune to a complete breakdown in their foreign and security policy objectives.Such shifts from periods of greater foreign, security, and defense policy coordination to more fractious periods is part of a broader research question in international relations. States go through periods of intense coordination in the realms of foreign and security policy only to see complete disintegration and breakdown at other points. What explains this variation? This paper looks at the nature of foreign, security, and defense policy coordination and breakdown between states and at these dynamics among EU member states in particular. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the Soviet Union fifteen years ago, Moldova has not been able to recover culturally, economically, or politically. It lacks a unified national identity, which could elect and support a government ready to separate from its Soviet past. The Moldovan economy is stagnant, rendering the country the poorest in Europe. Also, on the political level, Moldova is tied to Russia and is unable to procure international support and cooperation from other states or organizations. This paper discusses how these three factors ? culture, economy and politics ? affect Moldovan development and hinder its prospects as an autonomous and independent state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fifteen years after the formal introduction of European Union citizenship is an appropriate time to reconsider its political impact. At first dismissed by many, EU citizenship is now generally recognized as fundamentally transforming state sovereignty. Within the EU, a system of directly effective rights for individuals has developed which not only provides Europeans with choices about where to live and work but also forces EU member states to respect those choices. At the same time, the goal of creating a supranational political community through common rights and citizenship remains incomplete and unfulfilled. Over the course of the past fifteen years, the Union has grown from twelve to twenty-seven member states and has become much more diverse on a range of indicators, complicating the task of constructing a common political identity. This paper is a retrospective analysis of the first fifteen years of EU citizenship and also explores its future prospects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explain European behaviour in the American world order. Thus, I seek to answer two interrelated questions: What characterizes European behaviour in the unipolar world order? How is this behaviour explained? In order to answer these questions I begin from structural realist premises and explore how changes and continuity in relative power, relative ideology and relative security affect the European propensity to bandwagon with or balance the United States. The overall conclusion is that the European grand strategy is best characterised as hard bandwagoning with soft balancing at the margins. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The origins of the International Health Regulations (IHR) date back to the mid-nineteenth century. At the time, government leaders met on an ad hoc basis, usually in response to specific epidemics, and formulated laws de novo to protect European commerce ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The factors contributing to the success or failure of transitional societies in Central and Eastern European countries acceding to the European Union (EU) are many. This article aims to analyse only one important aspect underlying the outcome of this transition â€" the transformation of the mass medias. It will first briefly illustrate how the medias in Central and Eastern European countries acceding to the EU have been transformed during the process of joining the EU (i.e. how did the determination to "transform" and join western liberal organisations such as the EU affect the medias). The hypothesis is that the transformation of medias in this region was primarily influenced by complex liberal conditionalities imposed by the two main organisations which these countries have sought to join since the fall of their authoritarian regimes: the Council of Europe's conditionality, and the political criterion of the so called "Copenhagen criteria". Finally, the article highlights some assumptions about the future of the medias in the enlarged EU of 27 Member States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has developed successful programs of cooperation with neighboring countries, as well as with other regions of the world, from which Latin America, and in specific Mexico, has benefited. Nevertheless, the last enlargement have incorporated a series of topics in the agenda of the European Union that, both for their importance and for their urgency, there have turned aside the interest and the European Union possibilities of continuing promoting and increasing the resources for the development of these programs in Mexico. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role do think tanks play in European armaments cooperation? The cognitive school or regime theory would consider think tanks as part of an epistemic community. They would argue, that think tanks share a body of consensual knowledge and provide it to policy makers who seek reducing the uncertainty of armaments cooperation. With regard to armaments cooperation it has not been examined yet whether European think tanks form such an epistemic community. Taking four organizations in three different countries as case studies and examining their discussion of the creation of the European Defense Agency from 2000 to 2005, I will argue in the affirmative, although they have divergent views on the purposes of cooperation. I propose that the accounts that think tanks offer cannot be regarded as different cause-effect relationships as they belong to another type of explanation. Hence I suggest a refinement of the notion of consensual knowledge, which will account more appropriately for the character of the knowledge examined in the empirical case but also point to another understanding of how epistemic communities become involved in the political process. I argue that they are not only disseminating consensual knowledge but also contribute in a performative way. By publishing about European armaments cooperation, think tanks participate in creating it, and I distinguish three sources of institutional fact that they draw on in this process. Thus their disagreement can be considered as an expression of an ongoing debate about the meaning of these concepts and the nature of cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional and global intergovernmental organizations have grown both in number and scope, yet their role and effectiveness as conflict managers is not fully understood. Previous research efforts have tended to categorize organizations solely by the scope of their membership, which obscures important sources of variation in institutional design at both the regional and global levels. International organizations will be more successful conflict managers if they are highly institutionalized, if they have members with homogenous preferences, and if they have more established democratic members. The theory is evaluted with data on territorial (1816-2001), maritime (1900-2001), and river (1900-2001) claims from the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) Project in the Western Hemisphere, Europe, and the Middle East. Empirical analysis suggests that international organizations are more likely to help disputing parties reach an agreement if they have more democratic and homogenous members and if they are highly institutionalized and employ binding techniques. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon a multi-faceted understanding of human rationality, this essay highlights the role of three generic social mechanisms - strategic calculation, role playing and normative suasion ? in promoting differing degrees of cooperation within regional institutions. I focus in particular on the last, persuasive, mechanism and its ability to bring about deep cooperation ? that is, preference or identity shift ? in contemporary Europe. A growing body of empirical work suggests that, while Europe is different when it comes to the workings of its regional institutions, it is not as different as some of the headline stories suggest. At the elite level, we see little evidence of bureaucrats and policymakers ?going native? when working in EU institutions, while, more generally, the emergence of a distinctly European identity, spurred by regional institutions, is at best a distant prospect. It is domestic politics ? broadly understood ? that best explains this somewhat unexpected finding. Indeed, while Europe, when compared to other regions, may be ?head of class? in designing robust and intrusive regional bodies, it also leads the others in having extraordinarily strong and historically rooted national traditions and institutions, which, in turn, decisively affect the degree of regional cooperation. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Continued integration of the European Union calls for coordination among member states. While coordination implies achieving common goals, few specifications exist on the means to achieve desired outcomes. New EU member states enjoy flexibility in determining the pathway to environmental policy reform and this is reflected in their particular choices for the implementation of key EU environmental directives. One of the central debates in political science centers on the level of government: How much is enough? Does successful environmental protection require a laissez-faire or regulatory state? Who is involved in the decisionmaking and how does the mix of actors impact policy choices and outcomes? While Brussels is making decisions with an eye toward its member states, creative innovations are emerging at the state and local levels. Indeed, member states respond to Brussels, but the strength, timing, and type of response varies considerably across states. Several factors including historical experience, institutional processes, civil society, and geopolitical pull impact state responses and explain well why states have chosen particular paths for achieving common regional environmental protection goals. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dealing with post 9/11 international environment EU has not only to re-adjust its security policy but to build an effective network of cooperation with other international security actors, notably North Atlantic Alliance as a core institution of transatlantic security system.The EU-NATO interaction lies far beyond parallel NATO membership of most of the EU states. There are two coexisting security institutions in Europe, both undergoing through a deep structural transformation: NATO building up to its traditional collective defense clause a new soft-security dimension and EU developing its soft-security tools launching capabilities of a bigger scale. The nature and functions of these two actors remaining different, their aims become closer and their new capabilities are being shape to achieve the same goal: providing Europe and its neighborhood with security and peace. Therefore, the arising question is: what ?modus vivendi? would EU and NATO find and how would it correspond to their ?modus operandi?? How the declared level of cooperation will correspond to the practical interaction? And is it possible to envisage the division of labor between these two institutions or are they competing one against each other now and in future?Answering these questions implies accomplishing the following tasks:1.Analyzing conceptual and declared level of cooperation2.Envisaging means of EU-NATO cooperation: institutional and military ones, as well as financial aspects, their limits and level of interdependence and focusing on concrete projects in place. Particular attention in this context is to be paid to NATO Response Force ( NRF) and EU Battle Groups. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]