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Paper Proposal for the 2004 Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association States trapped in the security dilemma of international politics need mechanisms by which they can credibly and clearly transmit their preferences to one another. Whether a state is trying to issue a deterrent threat or convince another state that it is trustworthy and can be counted on to cooperate, every state needs some way to communicate with other states. However, in an anarchic system with no means of contractual enforcement, it is the receiving and interpreting of signals of intention that becomes difficult. When signals lack cost, they also lack meaning, as deception becomes easy. But, attaching cost to international signals is not an easy task, especially when the signal is intended to convey a state’s fundamental preferences, or type, to others. International institutions can serve a valuable role in this problem, as they have a unique ability to impose costs upon states. Many institutional structures involve differing levels of costs, as a result of compliance with the institutional requirements or from the internalization of new norms. Additionally, institutions can create standards of behavior against which the actions of a state can be judged. Institutions may be able to send more credible signals of preference, because they reveal and affect the very nature of the state: its domestic structures, political arrangements, and intentions. Due to the ability of institutions to internalize their values within member states, a state that is aware of the likely costs of an institution will only accede to those institutions that it perceives to be commensurate with its interest, while institutions that codify or internalize undesirable rules, obligations, and norms will be rejected, or entered into and not complied with. I hypothesize that hegemonic states use institutions in a variety of strategies to both send and evoke signals of state preference, in order to determine the type of other states and to reveal their own type in turn. Institutions may either be created whole cloth to see if another state will join, or adherence to existing rules can be used as the yardstick. Either way, institutional offers, in which one state uses institutional adherence or accession to judge another, help tie costs to actions, making the sending and receiving of costly signals possible. The paper I propose to present at the 2004 ISA annual meeting is drawn from my dissertation, which I am currently writing, and examines the way in which states draw assessments of the preferences of other states through institutional behavior. Specifically, my paper will look at origins of the Cold War immediately following the conclusion of World War II. By looking at several institutional offers ? including the creation of the United Nations, the Soviet occupation of Iran, which became the first issue brought before the UN, and the proposals for the Baruch Plan, intended to create an international organization to control nuclear technology and weapons ? I will demonstrate how policy makers within the United States shifted their opinions of Soviet preferences from viewing the USSR as a potential partner for peace and cooperation to seeing the Soviet Union as an implacable enemy bent on the expansion of Communism and world domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses effective multilateralism in the light of the cooperation of the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in crisis management and in the United Nations Security Council Reform. In the first part of the paper, I will focus on effective multilateralism and in which terms the EU puts into practice the recognition of the UN as the core of the multilateral order. In the second part, I will focus on crisis management and the United Nations Security Council Reform as tools for effective multilateralism. In the third part I will draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War, member states increasingly asked the UN to resolve civil wars through mediation, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. As widely noted in the literature, the UN's peacemaking record has been positive but marked by some notable failures, usually the result of mandates imposed by the member states that greatly exceeded the resources that the organization could bring to bear. A central question for the UN Secretariat is how it can act more strategically - that is, achieve an effective fit between goals and available capacity. Both the academic literature on peacemaking and policy discourse within the UN tend to favor "multidimensional" missions as these are empirically associated with better outcomes and also conform to the UN doctrinal emphasis on addressing "root causes." But are comprehensive missions and mandates appropriate where the UN's political leverage is very limited? The peace process in Guatemala presented the UN secretariat with this problem. On one hand, the Guatemalan civil war had effectively ended even before a final peace agreement was signed, making basic peacemaking success very likely. On the other hand, Guatemala suffered from very serious institutional problems, and gross social and economic inequities, that rendered its political system prone to violence and instability. The UN mission's mandate called on it to verify and support all aspects of the peace accords, but provided little leverage to ensure compliance. This paper examines the approaches adopted by the UN at various stages of the Guatemalan peace process, and demonstrates that key decision makers chose to approach the strategic problem in Guatemala by reaching out directly to civil society rather than depending upon (limited) international political leverage vis-a-vis the government. The paper proposes alternative strategies and considers the limitations of each. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) was created to 'contribute to peace and security' by promoting intellectual and ethical collaboration among nations. In order to realize its goals UNESCO has spent 60 years investing in Education For All as a basic human right, the development of all cultures and intercultural dialogue. It is therefore ironic that the terrorist attacks of 9/11 occurred in the year 2001 which was officially being observed as the United Nations Year of Dialogue among Civilizations. UNESCO promptly responded to these attacks by adopting a resolution 'expressing its sorrow and indignation' and asserting that while terrorism can never be justified, the world community requires a global and inclusive vision of development. This paper examines UNESCO's Medium Term Strategy - 2008-2013 which maintains continuities with the past and concern for building a just world order but is also alive to the 21st century condition - the breakdown of trust and dialogue between communities. The paper also attempts to evaluate the practical value of an organization such as UNESCO by examining its proposed Programme and Budget for 2008-2009 and ends with a comment on philosophical debates about the possibility of dialogue among civilizations and how UNESCO can promote shared values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reform of the United Nations has been proposed since its inception. The recent Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, made strenuous efforts to modernize the structures of the institution,but to little avail. In the literature much attention is paid to the "what" of reform. Most specialists have their priority list of what should be changed. But, the question of "how" to bring about reform has received scant attention. This paper focuses on a strategy for how civil society can help to transform the UN's structures based not only on the need for global reform but also new theoretical perceptions that entrepreneurially driven change in the international system is now posssible. As a "normative project", the paper spans the gap between empirical research and normatively driven goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a number of recent papers, we have argued that the linkages provided by international networks enhance the probability of interstate 'peace' (Dorussen and Ward 2006; 2007). In contrast, Maoz et al (2003ab; 2004; 2006) and Hafner-Burton and Montgomery (2006) have emphasized that certain network characteristics can actually increase the probability of conflict. Although, as we have argued, it is possible to reconcile both sets of findings, it is obviously important to examine under what conditions international networks have either positive or negative effects. In this paper, we apply network analysis to United Nations trade data disaggregated at industry level from 1970 to 1997 to test three theoretical arguments that suggest conditions under which trade may enhance conflict. First, relative-gains arguments suggest that concerns about relative power capabilities / status may undermine the pacifying effects of trade (Gowa 1994; Morrow 1997). Secondly, it has been argued that trade in strategic goods has unique security considerations (Park, Abolfathi, and Ward 1976; Polachek 1980). Thirdly, the gains of trade in some goods may be more easily appropriated by use of force (Rosecrance 1986; Skaperdas and Syropoulos 1996; Dorussen 2006).Gains from goods/trade flows that are more monopolized or concentrated on specific countries are easier to appropriate, and may thus well increase the probability of conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has developed the premier humanitarian assistance capability in the world today. It is involved in many more types of situations than its originators intended and it finds itself embedded in contemporary conflict. As a result it has expanded its mandate and developed a certain level of independence. At the same time, it is part of a state-based international organization, and thus finds itself at the mercy of the states who provide its funding and sit on its Executive Committee. It is evident that states, especially Western, industrialized states, and especially the United States, attempt to use and manipulate UNHCR to perform certain of activities in conflict zones where these states may have an interest. Yet, at the same time, some of these activities conflict with the humanitarian mandate and ethos of the organization, and there is resistance to to being used as an agent of hegemony. As a result, UNHCR becomes a site of a strategic contest among a wide variety of actors. This paper will explore these dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the manner in which global and regional organizations have framed health as a security threat and outlined a set of concrete policies meant to mitigate the impact of health threats. By analyzing traditional security organizations, like the United Nations Security Council, and traditional health organizations, like the World Health Organization, it becomes clear that many different kinds of organizations are making health security a priority. Further, by analyzing regional organizations and arrangements in the Western hemisphere, it is clear that regional security is equally contingent on the mitigation of heath threats, and that organizations are actively linking health security to other security threats. Through an analysis of the UN Security Council, the World Health Organization, the Security and Prosperity Partnership of the Americas, and the Organization of American States, it becomes clear that the multidimensional impact of infectious disease, when coupled with the transnational nature of the threat, has created an environment in which states must engage with one another to decrease the impact of disease on security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global governance is a vast concept and takes therefore many different forms. One of them is in the form of peace building missions in weak states. While these missions are progressively expanding both their presence and their objectives, there is still clear understanding of to whom these missions should be accountable: to the population of the target state, to the international community, or both? Adding to this confusion is the lack of mechanisms available to verify these missions? accountability. Yet, accountability has somehow become the leitmotif for peace building missions. This paper examines the UN's external peace building missions in Burundi from two different perspectives of accountability through qualitative in-depth interviews with external personnel and local representatives in Burundi. The study argues that although there are means to achieve delegation accountability, the political accountability is one of the first concepts to lose importance when political authority is in transition, firstly because the relationship between the UN and the local actors is unequal and secondly because the UN does not seem willing to change this inequality by according the local actors a wider range of possibilities to sanction the mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking an institutional point of view, this paper explores how both the changing EU and UN contexts are influencing EU-UN relations. First, it discusses how the emergence of a multipolar world has affected the promotion of „effective multilateralism?. Then it explores the impact of the Lisbon Treaty on the EU's actorness within the UN context, more specifically in the UN General Assembly and UN Security Council. Doing so, it develops the argument that the EU has been giving a rather institutional answer to the external challenges its faces, focusing on its external representation. In redefining itself by focusing on the question who is representing the EU, the EU has been prioritizing the internal context over the external one and form over content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on realism and neoliberalism to explain how rising powers respond when their expanding interests conflict with those of the declining power. I hypothesize that when confronted with this dilemma, rising powers respond by challenging the declining power through international institutions, such as the United Nations. While more direct means of pursuing their competing interests may be available, these measures may be construed as provocative at best and threatening at worst. Instead, rising powers will seek to allay the concerns of the declining power by pursuing their competing interests through institutions. The reasons for this are twofold. First, institutions are considered to be a legitimate forum for debate and opposition. Second, institutions, by design, contain mechanisms capable of constraining the declining power. I test my hypotheses by: conducting a statistical analysis to determine whether changes in state power are associated with fluctuations in UN General Assembly behavior as reflected in votes cast; and conducting a case study of U.S.-China interactions in the UN Security Council. The principle data sources are: Erik Voeten and Adis Merdzanovic's "United Nations General Assembly Voting Data," The World Bank World Development Indicators, and press that covers UN Security Council developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states support UN peace operations (PKOs)? Which are the dominant explanations for states' military participation in these missions? How has states' military participation to UNPKOs changed over time (2001-2007)? UNPKOs have become an important instrument for ensuring international and sometimes even domestic security. The post-Cold War (CW) era has witnessed not only a great increase in the number and complexity of UNPKO missions, but also a surge in costs and troop levels, and much wider geographic participation. Past literature has focused either on analyzing UNPKOs as joint/public goods or as case studies of the most PKO active states during the CW, and of more recent participants. As joint/public goods, PKOs have been studied solely as financial contributions. As case studies, most research has focused on great/middle powers - in general not theoretically informed, nor following a particular research question or a systematic cross country effort. This paper is the first step in addressing these research lacunae by gathering and analyzing quantitative data on states' military support for UN peace operations for the 2001-2007 period. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is aimed at examining the model of Corporate Social Resposibility (CSR) adopted by the United Nations (UN) through the Global Compact, and at discussing its possible social implications. After studying the various theoretical and institutional ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Cold War era, both the United Nations (UN) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have evolved considerably to undertake a variety of new missions. In the process the organizations have played operational roles in addressing the same conflict areas, which has led to heightened institutional and political interaction. Such interaction is likely to increase as the organizational roles expand, which has raised questions regarding the potential level of coordination versus competition between the two institutions. Research has examined the leaders of these two organizations--the Secretaries-General--and their engagement in guiding organizational responses to conflicts. Little analysis, however, has been devoted to how these two individuals interact, especially during times of military action. This study provides an initial assessment of how the UN and NATO Secretaries-General interacted during the Kosovo crisis in 1999. The paper provides new perspectives on leadership of international organizations, how these leaders may foster organizational cooperation or competition, and broader implications for the security roles that UN and NATO will play in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas indigenous issues had long be considered as being of purely national relevance by most international organizations, the UN began to deal with the topic on a regular basis following the creation of the Working Group on Indigenous Populations in 1982. Since then, this institution has cooperated in a very open manner with indigenous representatives. Nonetheless, the establishment of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in 2000, consisting of eight governmental and eight indigenous experts who have equal rights, marks an effort to include indigenous standpoints into decision-making processes more directly. It is a remarkable development not only for ethnologists but also for students of IR, considering that the cooperation on an equal footing of governmental with non-state actors implies an important shift in the status of non-state actors in global governance mechanisms. While the paper aims at portraying the recent institutional developments in the treatment of indigenous issues at the UN, it will also present them in the more general context of the creation of inclusive institutions. As many problems are becoming difficult to solve for single nation-states because they are acquiring a global dimension, the new institutions being created to address problem-solving beyond the the nation-state show huge differences with respect to the institutional form and the participating actors. Whereas one can observe a proliferation of diverse institutional forms in general, more specificly there seems to exist a trend towards the inclusion of distinct categories of stakeholders into decision-making procedures at the global level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations' World Tourism Organization asserts that tourism has become one of the largest export sectors in the global economy today. Globally, tourism receipts totalled nearly US$700 billion in 2005. International organizations such as the World Bank continue to encourage countries to develop/improve tourism infrastructure as key to strengthening economic growth.However in this free market era, the structures, processes and outcomes of tourism development are rife with contradictions, especially for smaller states that have come to rely inordinately on tourism receipts. This paper will examine the development of cruise tourism (e.g.,cruise ship terminals and tourism villages) in Belize as exemplary of state-transnational capital-community contestations over control of economic and cultural resources. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author, chief of the criminal law and judicial advisory section of UN DPKO, considers the critical challenges in post-conflict peacebuilding from a United Nations perspective. He elaborates upon the type of rule of law programming conducted by the UN, ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace Operations are today one of the major fields of UN intervention. However, neither the Charter nor international treaties provide a clear legal basis for their inception. Indeed, they have not evolved as a result of clear guidelines and strategic pla ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few ideas have moved faster in the international normative arena than the “responsibility to protect” (R2P). We begin by outlining the origins of the R2P idea and then describe the background factors in the 1990s that paved the way. Next, we describe the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the international identity of the European Union (EU) through the link between security, integration and identity. It mentions that the notion of international identity is an attempt to think about how the EU is constituted, constructed and represented internationally. It offers a distinction between the levels where the EU plays different roles as a security actor. It also provides information on EU foreign policy. It claims that the EU narrative about EU-United Nations (UN) relations shape the international identity of EU.

The article presents a study which examines several changes in the global governance of international development since the mid-1990s. A constructivist approach to the international development debate is presented. It describes how previous years have seen an unprecedented convergence between the UN agencies and the Bretton Woods institutions in New Hampshire. It explains the limitations of transformations in the global governance of development. It outlines possible scenarios for the future of North-South politics.

Governance has a wider meaning than government. It embraces governmental institutions, but it also covers more informal regulatory mechanism which exist in the absence of central authority. In international relations the concept is often used coterminously with institution-building and regime-creation. This culminates in the idea of global governance. Global governance is a concept and goal associated with the management of international relations in the post-Cold War period. Initially associated with Willy Brandt, the term refers to a perceived need to foster the growth of multilateral systems of regulation and methods of management to encourage global interdependence and sustainable development. Objective of the Proposed Project Most of the modern states are increasingly concerned with good governance. In the arena of international relations the crucial issues of global governance is of atmost importance to nation-states in the twenty-first century. The specific objectives of the proposed project are as follows: (i) To identify the organic links of good governance at the national level and the global governance at the international level. (ii) To explore the various indices of governance in general and that of global governance in particular. (iii) To highlight on the emerging challenges to global governance. (iv) To discern some pragmatic approaches for tackling the problem areas of global governance. Potential Impact and Target Audience At the present juncture, states especially in the developing world, are facing a serious problem of governance. At the international level, the high ideals of the UN System has been reflected in the widely publicised Earth summit and the Social summit. Besides, a number of world summits on population, women, biodiversity and sustainable development, have highlighted the urgency of bringing the nations-states togather on some common issues of global governance. But a lot remains to be done. So ultimately the target audience of the proposed project are the peoples of different nations in realizing their coveted goals towards sustainable peace and development. Avenues of its Dissemination On the completion of the project we propose to address these challenging issues of global goveranance by writing a number of research articles and presenting them to the global audience through international conventions of International Studies Association, Salzburg Seminar etc. Some of these articles will be published in academic journals like International Organization, International Studies Review and Alternatives. Ultimately, we also propose to write a well developmet book on global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although international expert commissions are a prime policy tool in any domain of global governance, little effort has been spent on studying these. Self-declared constructivists have primarily studied commissions as transmitting institutions by which knowledge (or ‘ideas’) becomes disseminated. Such a perspective understands knowledge primarily as actor-independent knowledge, and the role of commissions is usually judged by the questions if knowledge is put on the agenda. This paper develops an alternative account of commissions by relying on contemporary assemblage theory. From this perspective commissions are to be seen as a laboratory in the first place. Laboratories, as developed by Bruno Latour, are a device by which things, formerly unrelated or weakly related, become related and relations stabilized. As such in laboratories the world becomes ordered and re-ordered, and micro- and macro-objects constituted. The metaphor of the laboratory, similar to the notion of Foucauldian ‘governmentality’, stresses the role of generative power in constituting global order. Moreover the focus shifts on the concrete expressive, aesthetic and material practices of actants by which the global and the local is ordered. In the paper I will develop the notion of laboratories in the context of recent discussion on global governance and contrast it with other versions of assemblage theory (global governmentality and global assemblages). I will make use of the laboratory metaphor to study the case of the UN peacebuilding commission (PBC). The PBC presents a move to a long term institutionalization of a commission into the UN System. In many ways the PBC is innovative and a novel hybrid in the UN system. It combines expertise from various sources and gains a new type of legitimacy by the way it integrates states involved in pacification affairs. So far the PBC suffers from teething troubles â€" the lack of funding, personnel and institutional reputation â€" and the PBC ‘experiment’ still needs to provide prove to be an adequate tool for coping with the challenges of conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction. By using the metaphor of the laboratory I will seek to show that the PBC should be less understood as a device of coordinating pacification action, but as one of the sites where classification systems about violence are established and stabilized. The PBC is one of the sites where violence is related to other categories such as peace, war, security and development. As such the PBC is a site where categories are developed of which forms of violence are judged as legitimate or productive for peace and security and which forms of violence are to be categorized as ‘war’, ‘civil war’, ‘ethnic conflict’, ‘genocide’, or ‘insurgency’. In sum the paper develops a new theoretical perspective on global governance and contributes to our understanding of the role of commissions, which needs to be understood as further reaching then likely contributing to the setting of agendas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper compares the strategies of conservative and liberal NGOs in their efforts to influence the UN?s Program of Action on Population and Development. This analysis speaks to how ideologically different organizations have adjusted their discourses, alliances, or targets over time to better work within an international political space?in this case, a series of thematic UN global conferences. The paper is part of a larger project examining whether world polity theorists are correct in describing the international system as incorporating Western liberal norms such as individualism, human rights, and rational bureaucracy, by determining whether actors who do not subscribe to those norms find it difficult to navigate and influence that system. To do this, I use discourse and content analysis of UN, NGO, and scholarly documents as well as interviews with key participants in these conferences, including UN officials, country delegates, and NGO activists. The particular focus of my work is the relative effectiveness of groups whose ideological orientation does not fit the alleged normative fabric of the setting, whether groups perceive that as a problem, and how they adapt over time as a result.This research connects to the ISA conference theme of scholarly responsibility because the body of literature on non-state activists, transnational networks and movements continues to be skewed towards what are typically understood to be ?liberal? issues and movements, such as human rights, women?s rights, and the environment. We lack understanding of how groups concerned with liberal issues compare to conservative groups, who use many of the same strategies, opportunities, and organizational structures. This bias in the literature undermines the accuracy of the theory we are building regarding non-state activists, networks and movements. This in turn affects the testing of that theory and its relevance to our understanding of global governance and policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fate, form, and function of international organizations have gained increasing political attention as the United Nations reform process continues. The key question for politicians and policymakers therefore is what institutional design is likely to be most effective, produce most coherence, and encourage most cooperation. To this end, in February 2006, the UN Secretary-General established a High-Level Panel on UN System-Wide Coherence in the areas of environment, development, and humanitarian assistance. These high-level policy efforts, however, remain isolated from academic activities as few scholars are ready to offer analytically rigorous and policy relevant studies. Contemporary literature on international organizations exhibits a theoretical and an empirical gap. Theoretically, international organizations have largely been neglected as a unit of analysis. Institutions and regimes ? the sets of rules, norms, and decision making procedures that prescribe or proscribe state behavior in a certain issue area ? have instead been at the center of academic inquiry. Empirically, few evaluations of the performance of international organizations have been undertaken and analyses of the key factors determining their performance are largely lacking. (A notable exception is a current project on the assessment of the effectiveness of international environmental organizations "MANUS?Managers of Global Change." http://www.glogov.org) This scholarly neglect of international organizations is problematic since it is likely to mislead conclusions about the state of world politics, result in overemphasis on state power, and preclude constructive input to the policy debates on the reform of international organizations. In this paper, I plan to bridge the theoretical and empirical gaps by examining the factors that determine the performance of international organizations. Traditional scholarship in international organization has treated design mainly as a consequence of state power, interests or ideas. I will analyze design also as a cause of power, interests, and ideas. I will explore the cause and effect relationship between institutional design and organizational performance in four international organizations in environment, development, health, and trade: the United Nations Environment Programme, the United Nations Development Programme, the World Health Organization, and the World Trade Organization.I ground the analysis of these organizations in international relations theories and contemporary environmental policy scholarship. The mainstream IR theories, however, leave a good deal to be desired in terms of explaining the effectiveness of international organizations. While power, interests, and ideas do matter, they offer insufficient explanation for the performance of international organizations. They illustrate only the external forces and constraints international organizations encounter. The internal operations of these organizations need both theoretical attention and systematic empirical study. In this paper, I approach international organizations as human collectives that serve both the interests of their members and the goals of their founders as set out in their mandate. How the balance is struck between these two sets of interests depends, to a great extent, on the interplay between (1) external forces, such as state preferences and historical events, (2) internal characteristics, such as institutional design and leadership, and (3) an organization?s interaction with its environment, both geographic and institutional. Design, leadership, and location therefore constitute factors that determine organizational performance and influence state behavior. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last twenty-five years, the international community has sought to develop a global regime to fight AIDS. The formation of the AIDS regime reflects the actions of international organizations, weak and strong states, NGOs, and activists. This paper asserts that the United Nations has been crucial in this process, by showing more powerful states that it is in their interest to participate in the regime, by providing an avenue through which both powerful and weak states and nonstate actors can act, by providing the scientific data to push action on AIDS, and by serving as an institutional space in which to develop new AIDS programs. The first part of the paper argues that despite some early successes in fighting AIDS, regime formation was stalled during the first fifteen years of the pandemic by intra-UN competition and ambivalence among both weak and strong states. The paper then asserts that during the last decade, the UN has helped foster the AIDS regime by developing innovative programs, augmenting the scientific data on the pandemic, and encouraging political commitment to AIDS. The final section raises questions about what the AIDS regime means for a larger commitment to global health. It also questions how power may enable strong states to veto the regime when it no longer serves their interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional integration has long been viewed as evolving in sequential steps. The most common conceptualization, stressed particularly in economics literature and influenced by the EU?s integration experience, is movement from shallow to deep economic integration?from free trade agreements to customs unions and further to common markets. However, the theoretical understanding of which forms of cooperation precede and are particularly conducive to others is still relatively nascent, while empirical approaches remain largely focused on one or two regions or one or a handful of issue areas, rather than exploring genuinely global data. The purpose of this paper is to start mending the gaps in our understanding of the progression of regional integration. We argue that there are powerful reasons to expect that regional trade integration both precedes and causes other forms of regional integration. We test our hypotheses through an extensive dataset, based on the United Nations Treaty Series, that incorporates trade and other cooperation agreements in more than a dozen issue areas reached over the past 115 years around the world. The paper will conclude with policy implications for North-South and South-South regional trade and cooperation. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations theory is explicitly or implicitly very much focused on the realist ?problem of order? and the liberal ?problem of cooperation?. These two foundational problematiques has heavily influenced theorizing about world politics, making it overly state-centric. In an effort to contribute to the on-going exploration of other, and less state-centric approaches to world politics, this paper will explore the relevance of Bourdieu?s concept of ?fields? (champ) for analyzing the politics of global governance. The establishment of the UN and the Bretton Woods Institutions after WWII set in motion a process of supra- and transnational institutionalization. Ever more functionally defined issue-areas, such as health, education, development, population, labour, culture etc. were institutionalized through the establishment of multilateral organizations charged with the task of facilitating inter-state cooperation and the provision of technical advice. Different issue areas can thus be defined and analyzed in terms of policy fields as these are formalized in international organizational structures and supported by a concomitant network of relevant expertise. The politics within IOs are not fully explained by the interaction between states, but must be supplemented with an analysis of the ?politics? between different policy fields. This entails analyzing the formation and content of the knowledge, norms and interests that constitutes different policy fields and the tensions between them. The paper will analyze the genesis of the policy field of ?development? within the UN over the last two decades, exploring the politics involved in changing the boundaries and meaning of ?development? and its relation to security policy. Focusing on the role of knowledge and its structuring effect upon the identity of a policy field, the paper will provide a knowledge-centred account of the functioning and politics of global governance as expressed in the UN. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the United Nations’ attempt to strengthen citizen participation in the global governance of information and communication policy by convening an explicitly multistakeholder World Summit on the Information Society. However, one of the biggest questions that immediately emerges is: “Who gets to sit in the seats reserved for the non-state participants of these multistakeholder dialogues, particularly, “in whose name” are the civil society actors speaking, and to what degree are they representing their constituencies? The theoretical framework for this paper draws from the literature on deliberative democracy, international regime theory, and technology diffusion as it asks three grand tour research questions: (1) What is the structure of multistakeholder participation in the WSIS?; (2) Is there a difference between WSIS stakeholder groupings in their participation in transnational policy networks? (3) Could participation of developing countries and transnational civil society organizations be strengthened with the introduction of the socio-technical infrastructure of a policy collaboratory? Data are drawn from three sources: (1) an international survey (N=322) of WSIS participants; (2) content analysis of public e-mail archives; and (3) participant observation. We find that while the structure of WSIS favors developed country governments and powerful private sector actors. Also, FTF communication dominates, with only limited use of ICTs other than e-mail. The civil society structures that have emerged also favor certain types of discussions and favor certain types of civil society actors. Finally, we report on the findings from our two-year experiment designed to introduce advanced collaboration practices into the WSIS civil society. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the close of the 20th century, the United Nations had evolved into the world’s premier global norm-setting institution. However, as we move forward in the 21st century, there is evidence that this function is becoming increasingly stultified. The erosion of the world organization’s coherence and legitimacy appear to be deepening. As Singapore’s Ambassador to the UN, Kishore Mahbubani, asked probingly on the occasion of the UN Millennium celebration, is the United Nations a sunrise or sunset institution as related to its norm setting function? In this study we explore this complex question and examine the requisites for re-empowering the world organization to facilitate the building of international norms. As an institutional setting for global discourse and practice, the UN is caught in the middle of conflicting conceptions among social actors regarding what the international organization is and what it should be doing. A variety of normative perspectives vie for predominance on almost every substantive issue. They produce fault lines underlying a clash over the meaningfulness of international norms. At the same time, however, different issue contexts often trigger differing perceptions of identity and interests. Our paper analyzes the discourse and practice in the UN over three issues: humanitarian intervention, human security, and creating partnerships with the private sector. In and across these three issue settings we explore the nature, origins, and political dynamics underlying the major normative fault lines. In doing so, we hope to shed light on the question of when, under what conditions, and how might the UN be re-empowered as a sunrise organization for facilitating and creating international norms. More specifically, we would like to present some observations and suggestions about the leadership role the UN Secretary-General can play in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current dismissive if not contemptuous attitude of the United States towards multilateral diplomacy and the United Nations in particular has created considerable outrage insofar as it appears to many as a sudden about face and retreat from multilateralism. The increasingly hostile posturing of Congress throughout the nineties may even suggest a breakdown in the long standing bi-partisanship that has sustained US policies in the United Nations in the post war decades. Are the United Nations together with other multilateral institutions being moved from center stage and relegated to backseat positions in United States policies in international cooperation? This paper attempts to answer this question by looking at US policies in the United Nations in the field of development. In brief, its thesis is that in strategic terms the United States has always considered the United Nations as an institution primarily designed for the pursuit of an international liberal economic agenda. In this scheme, the role of the Organization while not immutable was always meant to be relatively marginal. The current approach of the United States to the developmental activities of the UN is a logical extension indeed a natural outgrowth of a set of assumption about the United States’ self image in international society and its vision of a desirable world order. These conceptual and political guideposts have not significantly changed since the 1940s. They have only become more salient and visible as the hegemonic position of the United States grew in the post cold war era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just as global governance became and has remained a dominant focus of discourse in IR scholarly and practitioner circles alike in the late 1980s, “new regionalism” has become a prominent feature of IR discourse in the early 21st century. The notion of “new regionalism” endeavors to capture the dialectic between a multitude of competing centripetal and centrifugal forces of integration-disintegration, globalization-localization, concentration-fragmentation, centralization-decentralization, and so forth at sub-global levels. The focus of this paper is the evolving relationship between these two overarching organizing concepts: global governance and new regionalism. To what extent are the international norms and institutional forms that were established over a half-a-century ago--in a very different world--able to respond effectively to the new world orderâ€"especially its new regionalism dimensions? What are the implications of this new and qualitatively different wave of regionalism for the work, effectiveness and legitimacy of multilateral institutions? More precisely, we focus on how global international institutions, most specifically those within the UN system, have endeavored to respond to such “new regionalism” forces and with what outcomes and why in regard to two specific Millennium Development Goals: eradication of poverty (MDG 1) and HIV/AIDS (MDG 6). Finally, the study concludes by exploring various lessons that can be drawn from the successes and failures of multilateral agencies’ responses of lack there of. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is dialogue, as opposed to 'naming, blaming and shaming', a more effective method of international human rights implementation in the light of the multicultural dimensions of the environment in which such implementation efforts tend to take place? What are the virtues of dialogue in this context? Are there any limits to its usefulness? The questions in focus have taken on renewed importance with the creation of new UN Human Rights Council whose foundational document emphasises the significance of cultural difference for human rights implementation and dialogue as an effective means of approaching that difference in a genuine and constructive manner. Against this background, this paper analyzes the relationship between culture and dialogue as it has come to be defined in recent relevant UN initiatives, including in the context of the Human Rights Council and the Alliance of Civilizations. It then directs attention to contemporary theories on deliberation as a way of resolving conflicts and disagreements in multicultural environments. It seeks to explain how these theories can help us to appreciate the virtues of dialogue, and limits to its usefulness, in the context of international human rights implementation. It also reflects on some critical issues with respect to dialogue and culture which these theories leave unaddressed: (1) the sense of dialogue on fundamental moral norms which are believed to be agreeable across cultural divides; and (2) how to resolve disagreements on human rights which have their sources in cultural differences and which are not overcome (or transcended) through dialogue? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organizations are typically studied under an Institutionalist, Realist, or Liberal framework. In all of these, larger, more structural approaches dominate: organizations’ policies are the outcome of what states want, or the outcome of what the organizations themselvesâ€"after taking on a life of their ownâ€"want. But these approaches neglect what is a critical variable in the policies made by IOs: individuals. Organizations are headed by an individual leader, and though this leader certainly does not have sole decision-making power, and indeed is constrained by a host of factors (not least being the organizational culture of the institution itself and the state members), he or she definitely wields some influence over the policies adopted by the organizationâ€"whether through active involvement in the policymaking process or through a more hands-off approach, which allows other actors more influence. International Relations as a field has in the last several years been opening up its study of major global processes and actors to a more individual-focused level of analysis. This is most evident in the subfield of foreign policy analysis, but scholars have also called for such an approach to be applied to other areas. In this spirit, this paper will help promote new understandings of IOs by focusing on the individuals who are the heads of IOs. Specifically, we will focus on the United Nations and the impact its Secretaries-General have had. We draw on the literature on affect and emotion to show what kind of policies such leaders are likely to advocate, and draw on the individual level of analysis to show what impact such leaders have had on UN policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peacekeeping (PK) has become the key instrument of the UN to maintain world peace and order. Research in international relations has thus focused on how PK affects incentives for cooperation among rivals. Yet, little attention has been given to evaluate why states choose to participate and contribute troops to UN PK. The UN includes in its Charter requirements that all states need to commit efforts in order to maintain international peace. Nevertheless, most UN members do not fully meet their obligations, while a minority of states has participated above and beyond the line of duty. The major burden of carrying out these operations in the field is borne by a small number of troop contributors. Even among those who contribute with soldiers, the commitment differs and varies considerably. Some commit heavily, whereas others deploy only a handful of observers, while a majority of states abstain completely from commitment. Some states commit thousands of troops, while other states prefer to free-ride and enjoy the peace without paying the cost. This raises the question of why some states are willing to become regular troop-lending countries (TLC), while other states remain reluctant to contribute members of their armed forces to missions directed by the UN.The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the domestic conditions under which countries will deploy troops to UNPKO. This question is central to our ability to evaluate the effectiveness of PK. Specifically, I argue that civil-military and bureaucratic considerations affect the final decision on whether or not to deploy soldiers abroad. Although short from war, PK entails a military dimension of foreign policy, in which uniformed personnel is deployed to accomplish diplomatic and political means. As such, decisions to commit troops to UN PK must have the implicit support of the armed forces in order to take place. Yet, military backing for UNPKO is not universal; some military institutions are reluctant to join such missions because they offer few institutional and professional enticements. Hence, variations in terms of commitments can sometimes be explained in terms of security doctrines and integration of military and foreign policy roles. My argument, which focuses on civil-military relations, fills an important gap in the mainstream explanations of UN peacekeeping contributions. The topic of how military and civilians decide when and where to send peacekeepers is meager and has escaped serious attention. Few studies have analyzed the domestic conditions for deployment; while most analyzes have overlooked the military dimension and the bureaucratic decision-making process. Hence, my goal in this study is to explore the relationship between troop commitment for PKO and security doctrines and military integration. To analyze the conditions for deployment, I will use a case study approach by focusing on a controlled comparison between Latin America?s largest countries; Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. I chose these three cases because they share structural similarities, yet they differ on the outcome of theoretical interest for this article: Argentina has been a top-20 PK contributor; Brazil has been a consistent provider of troops, but not a leading contributor; while Mexico has never deployed troops. The hope is that intensive study of these cases will reveal one ?or at most several- factors that explain why some countries commit troops while other don?t. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UN interim administrations have become a common phenomenon since 1995. Yet, at the same time that this form of global governance has developed its legitimacy has become more and more doubtful. Failures to establish security, order and equity in the administered territories and the constant opposition of local political elites to the administrators have raised scepticism if this method of peacebuilding is really appropriate. The present paper will investigate this question from an unusual angle. Instead of exploring question of institutional design or human security, the focus will be laid on the administrators themselves. Who are the persons working in the UN administrations, what ideas do they hold and in how far are their world views compatible with those of the local political elites? The rationale behind these questions is the assumption that in order to be successful international administrations have to form transnational political spaces where their views overlap with the world views of local political elites. This assumption will be laid out against the background of a theoretical conceptualisation of global governance. This framework will help to interpret the results of an empirical questionnaire investigation into the world views and political-ideational backgrounds of UN interim administration staff. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The potential, limits, achievements and shortcomings of internationalized structures of transitional justice cannot be fully understood without examining them in the context of international politics. This paper identifies and evaluates the international political dynamics that gave rise to and influenced the three institutions designed to address and redress recent atrocities in Timor-Leste. These structures are the Serious Crimes Unit of the Dili District Court, a UN-supported mechanism that concluded its trials in May 2005, the Commission on Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, which presented its final report to President Gusmão in October 2005, and the Indonesian-Timorese Commission for Truth and Friendship, which began work in August 2005. Particular attention is given to how the broader political goals of the members of the Security Council shaped the mandate of the Serious Crimes Unit and supported the creation of the subsequent Commission for Truth and Friendship. Indonesia?s ability to manipulate international dynamics in its own favor is revealed as a powerful factor determining the scope and achievements of these transitional justice structures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After almost eight years of UN peacebuilding and interim administration, Kosovo is awaiting the determination of its future political status later this year. This is likely to lead to the establishment of Kosovo as a quasi-sovereign state to be supervised by the international community under an EU Special Representative. The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) is preparing for a smooth transition of powers to the local Provisional Institutions of Self-government (PISG) and other international organizations, first and foremost the European Union (EU). From the very beginning of UN peacebuilding in Kosovo in mid-1999 until now, the interaction between external and local actors has been a highly dynamic process, which seems to have been significantly influenced by promises about and the actual promotion of local ownership by external peacebuilders to local counterparts. The purpose of this paper is to delineate the dynamics of the peacebuilding interaction in Kosovo and to determine under which conditions a significant shift in the peacebuilding dynamics takes place. In this respect, special emphasis will be placed on the concept of local ownership in peacebuilding, drawing on two existing models for the analysis of external-local interactions in peacebuilding environments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long-term policy problems ? including global warming (or, more broadly, global environmental change), nuclear proliferation, sharing resources and wealth over generations, and loss of biodiversity ? do not have short-term solutions. They simply cannot be solved quickly, and we will have to devote substantial effort and resources to organizing, co-ordinating, and paying for solutions. As problems become more and more severe, it would seem easier and easier to find political support for measures that would address them. This is the motivation for the search for new or improved institutional designs. This paper will consider the art, science, or craft of institutional design, with particular emphasis on institutions that could be argued to be in the common interest. Historical and modern examples from diverse fields will be compared, including the United Nations (and the League of Nations before it), the NPT, the Kyoto Protocol, and the system of central banks. A few designs that have achieved some measure of success, albeit in rather limited contexts, will be discussed, mainly in the hope of identifying positive features that might be strengthened or emulated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers organized hypocrisy as both a source of and potential obstacle to proposed institutional reforms to the United Nations, with a particular focus on UN peace operations. International organizations such as the UN are subject to conflicting demands to meet the requirements of both normative standards and efficient coordinated action. Such pressures give rise to ?organized hypocrisy,? a concept from organization theory describing organizations? response to conflicting pressures in their external environments through contradictory actions and statements. Organized hypocrisy can have dysfunctional effects, decoupling organizational behavior from its stated purposes and eroding institutional legitimacy. UN peacekeeping failures in Bosnia and Rwanda are cases in point. But organized hypocrisy can also be functional, even necessary for the survival of international organizations, allowing them to manage irreconcilable pressures that might otherwise cause organizational demise. Organized hypocrisy can both give rise to and complicate organizational reform initiatives. Criticism of hypocrisy generates pressure for reforms to reconcile inconsistent rhetoric and behavior. But merely symbolic reforms, decoupled from action, themselves constitute organized hypocrisy. Thus, organized hypocrisy has contradictory implications for UN reform. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the key issues of the United Nations reform. It also proposes some changes to the UN chart that are needed to enhance the role of the international organization. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations increasingly finds itself in operations that seek to build or re-build the institutions of a state. However, the challenges facing the UN in such state-building activities are enormous. Three sorts of challenges can be thought of: those ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations increasingly finds itself in operations that seek to build or re-build the institutions of a state. However, the challenges facing the UN in such state-building activities are enormous. Three sorts of challenges can be thought of: those ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000 the United Nations introduced the “integrated missions” concept to overcome the failure to adequately coordinate multidimensional peace operations. Efforts to implement the concept have been troublesome and several UN actors have shown resistance, ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some international agreements ‘permanent’ while others are designed to be of only limited duration? We examine what we think is an important omitted variable in the ‘rational design’ literature: the institutional context in which international agreements are negotiated. We argue that whether states are likely to limit the duration of international agreements ex ante depends in important respects on whether, and to what extent, the prospective agreement is “nested” within a set of preexisting agreements or institutions linking the relevant parties. We identify and test several ways in which institutional context is likely to mitigate uncertainty that select for treaty membership and specific design choices using an augmented version of Koremenos’ (2005) dataset of 140 randomly selected bilateral and multilateral agreements on issues ranging from trade, investment and finance, to environmental protection, human rights and security. First, uncertainty is likely to be lower when an international agreement is negotiated in issue areas covered by an overarching or “umbrella” international organization, such as the United Nations (UN) or the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Second, uncertainty is likely to be lower when an agreement is negotiated as a “follow on” or replacement to a previous agreement between the same parties, or when the agreement is explicitly negotiated under the auspices of the prior agreement. Third, uncertainty is likely to be lower when an agreement is negotiated between parties that have previously cooperated, regardless of whether the prior cooperation occurred in the same issue area as the current negotiations. Our results cast doubt on certain claims advanced in the ‘rational design’ literature. They also, however, point the way toward a more fully specified set of structural variables to account for the origins and character of international institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The members of the European Union want to act in a unitary fashion. However, it is no secret that they don't work equally well together in all areas. While the economic realm constitutes one famous example of EU member states working in unison, the foreign policy realm is equally famous for reliably displaying their inability to come together with a single voice. This raises the question: Given that EU member states want to act in a unitary fashion, what keeps them from following through? The analytical framework chosen for studying EU cohesion is the United Nations General Assembly. The attempt here is to systematically test certain assumptions associated with main stream IR theory thought to be linked to voting behaviour of EU member states in the UN. These are tested by means of linear, logistic and negative binomial regression. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]