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This paper will address the issue of change in international institutions and governance brought about by the global war on terrorism. It will apply the concept of new multilateralism as an analytical tool in order to map out an emerging qualitatively different approach to international organization. New multilateralism is most obvious and pronounced in Europe whose regional order traditionally has been highly institutionalized. European regional integration unfolding within the institutional domain of EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) will serve as a critical case study of the trend towards the establishment of new patterns of governance in the international system. The argument will proceed in the following way. First, the concept of new multilateralism will be discussed in reference to John Ruggie’s original definition of multilateralism as a generic principled institutional form in international life. Second, the paper will explore recent developments in the foreign policy domain of the European Union as an institutionalized intergovernmental political process. It will address the trend towards flexible forms of commitment and participation under the CFSP mechanism as an instance of the new multilateralism in international relations. The new multilateralism of the post-9/11 period, this paper will argue, continues the historical tradition of classical multilateralism by reflecting (in Ruggie’s words) American hegemony rather than American hegemony and by revealing the adaptive and reproductive capacities of international institutions. Similarly to classical multilateralism, it does not necessarily generate formal organizations but continues to respond to a demand for institutionalization of relations in the international system. In contrast to classical multilateralism, new multilateralism is based on a network of bilateral arrangements. In the spirit of multilateralism, it evokes a principled code of conduct, however, outside existing international institutions: it creates coalitions of the willing. New multilateralism is bilateral in approach and multilateral in cooperative action and outcomes. Thus, it accelerates transformation rather than stabilize international relations (which classical multilateralism did). It substitutes governance outcomes resulting from the existing universalist multi-purpose international institutions by single-purpose short-term arrangements in a variable geometry of participating countries. Without substantively changing the standards of international organization, new multilateralism reverses the attained level and patterns of complicated multilateral diplomacy. It is based on straightforward means-ends bilateral relationships resulting in flexible multilateral coalitions. Coalitions of the willing are increasingly being established as a multilateral response to international threats. They have become a source of governance in the international system. From the perspective of European regional integration, the continued institutionalization of a possibility for enhanced foreign policy and defense cooperation under CFSP, in parallel to the consolidation of strategic bilateral relationships and participation in ad hoc international coalitions, exemplifies a new pattern of regional relations produced by new multilateralism. The Convention on the Future of Europe reflects and reinforces that trend by creating new opportunities for variable-geometry coalitions within an otherwise highly structured institutional mechanism. This example indicates that the nature of European and with it, international, governance is changing. Regions no longer represent a formally institutionalized geopolitical environment. They are becoming increasingly defined in terms of threats, vulnerabilities, and capacities for response by flexible ad hoc security arrangements. The paper will conclude that the coalitions of the willing have emerged as a new multilateral source of authority and legitimacy in the international system beyond international organizations. Arguably, this change in the pattern of international governance is essentially deeper than the nature and scope of institutional change brought about by the end of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses effective multilateralism in the light of the cooperation of the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in crisis management and in the United Nations Security Council Reform. In the first part of the paper, I will focus on effective multilateralism and in which terms the EU puts into practice the recognition of the UN as the core of the multilateral order. In the second part, I will focus on crisis management and the United Nations Security Council Reform as tools for effective multilateralism. In the third part I will draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the EU-China strategic partnership, signed in 2003, closer security cooperation is envisaged, but progress in this field has been little in this field. If the two security strategies - the ESS and the Chinese Paper on the New Security Concept, as well as the papers of the three major Member States of the EU, are compared, a lot of common terminology can be found.However, the connotation of these terms differ due to the differences in paradigms regarding the nature of governance of their national entities and of the international system, including the role for the US. Cooperation will therefore be most likely in the new fields of security cooperation such as pandemics, environmental threats and disaster relief. Based on this analysis, the paper will outline the opportunities and limits for EU-China security cooperation, in particular in an US-China-EU triangle ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper for presentation is a second draft (first draft was presented at BISA 2007) of the theoretical framework chapter for a longer project with the working title 'Consequentialist evaluation of security for cooperative International Society'. This project builds on my existing work where I have argued that security studies must be concerned with the consequences or effects of securitisation and desecuritisation, making a case for the existence of positive and negative securitisation and desecuritisation. Positive and negative hereby are derived from what in moral philosophy is known as a consequentialist ethic whereby an action's moral rightness is to be judged by its consequences, for security thus, the hitherto largely ignored question of securitisation for whom takes centre stage. So far, I have completed this, what I call 'consequentialist evaluation of security' for the environmental sector of security only [Floyd, Rita (2007) 'Towards a consequentialist evaluation of security: Bringing together the Copenhagen School and the Welsh School of Security Studies, Review of International Studies 33(2) & Floyd, Rita (2007) Typologies of Securitisation and Desecuritisation: The case of US environmental security 1993-2006 unpublished doctoral thesis University of Warwick]. My paper for presentation at this conference is the theoretical framework for the consequentialist evaluation of security for the remaining sectors of security, identified by the Copenhagen school of security studies as military, societal, economic and political security [Buzan, Barry et al (1998) Buzan, Barry; Waever, Ole; de Wilde, Jaap (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis (London: Lynne Rienner)]. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite renewed interest in international security cooperation after 9-11, security coordination between Mexico, Canada and the United States has been limited. Lack of policy coordination between these three countries is no surprise. They all have developed different security doctrines and practices that are not likely to be changed in the near future. Hence, this paper will analyze the security policies of three North American countries from the end of World War II to the September 11 attacks. Post-World War II analysis will allow me to analyze how structural conditions regarding bipolarity interacted with the domestic conditions of each country. The second period to be analyzed, pre-September 11, will illustrate how structural changes are not immediately translated into new security doctrines, at least not in the near future. Policy adaptation tends to be slow and not always progressive. This paper will be structured in five sections. The first three sections will examine each country’s security doctrines during the Cold War period, focusing on the interaction between international and domestic politics. The fourth section will compare and contrast how each country reacted differently vis-à-vis the end of the Cold War. Finally, the last section will evaluate the implications of these findings and its impact on North American security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A distinctly new type of military cooperation in non-combatant operations has emerged in recent years between the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) and the military establishments of Southeast Asia,* involving a wide and expanding array of joint activities defined previously** as "soft military power(SMP), a term inspired by the work of Joe Nye.The paper begins with an expanded explication of "soft military power"(MMP) and a discussion of its importance to both the U.S. and the states of Southeast Asia given the economic and eventual military rise of China in the greater East Asia region. The core of the paper focuses on two questions. First, how can we assess the impact of America's SMP initiatives on Southeast Asian regional security cooperation. The paper attempts to operationalize measures which go beyond a simple description of state-to-state or region-wide military interaction. These measures focus on the emergence of a "regional security community mindset" among regional militaries.(Officer surveys are not incorporated into this project at this point.) The second question asks if there is an identifyable link between U.S. SMP initiatives and any observable increases in Southeast Asian regional security cooperation. Conclusions drawn from the available data are used to evaluate (a) the significance of PACOM's SMP initiatives in terms of the U.S. Asia-Pacific strategy, and (b) to augment the theoretical discussions on the potential for increasing security cooperation. In this case, the role of an outside major power, may be a primary mover in increasing regional security cooperation, something regional actors have been unable to do on their own. Data for this paper is being assembled with the cooperation of PACOM in Honnolulu. Background information is taken from personal interviews with PACOM officials in Honolulu, June 2005, and from interviews with three retired U.S. Combatant Commanders including Admiral Dennis Blair, former CIC at PACOM.-------*This cooperation extends to some thirty-five Asia-Pacific states. The author's expertise and accumulated research dictates the focus on Southeast Asia.**Enhancing Regional Security in Southeast Asia: The Role of America's Soft Mmiilitary Power" presented at the 2007 ISA Annual Meeting, Chicago, Illinois, March 2007. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to revise the authoritarian diversionary argument by introducing competing hypotheses based on the constraints perspective. To do so, we relax two implicit assumptions of the diversionary perspective: leaders have incentive to divert under any kind of domestic unrest, and they are always able to do so. We argue that domestic unrest among elites in authoritarian regimes is not a source of diversion but constraints on the external use of force, and even mass unrest imposes constraints on authoritarian leaders' adventurous foreign policy when combined with elite unrest. The magnitude of constraints is greater early over the course of tenure than later because authoritarian leaders' grip on power and their winning coalitions are fragile due to elite struggle early in the tenure. The empirical results largely support the constraints hypotheses, and the diversionary hypotheses are supported only under limited conditions. Finally, we find that military dictators are in general more constrained to use force internationally under domestic unrest than civilian dictators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking an institutional point of view, this paper explores how both the changing EU and UN contexts are influencing EU-UN relations. First, it discusses how the emergence of a multipolar world has affected the promotion of „effective multilateralism?. Then it explores the impact of the Lisbon Treaty on the EU's actorness within the UN context, more specifically in the UN General Assembly and UN Security Council. Doing so, it develops the argument that the EU has been giving a rather institutional answer to the external challenges its faces, focusing on its external representation. In redefining itself by focusing on the question who is representing the EU, the EU has been prioritizing the internal context over the external one and form over content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will argue that the Cooperative Threat Reduction program (CTR, also sometimes called the Nunn-Lugar program) represents an important new method for states to protect their security. The program has used carefully targeted spending rather than ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multidisciplinary inductive observations may prove useful for identifying new testable hypotheses regarding what works well when developing policies to promote cross-border cooperation. Our paper does this by exploring several noted cases of change and c ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Cold War era, both the United Nations (UN) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have evolved considerably to undertake a variety of new missions. In the process the organizations have played operational roles in addressing the same conflict areas, which has led to heightened institutional and political interaction. Such interaction is likely to increase as the organizational roles expand, which has raised questions regarding the potential level of coordination versus competition between the two institutions. Research has examined the leaders of these two organizations--the Secretaries-General--and their engagement in guiding organizational responses to conflicts. Little analysis, however, has been devoted to how these two individuals interact, especially during times of military action. This study provides an initial assessment of how the UN and NATO Secretaries-General interacted during the Kosovo crisis in 1999. The paper provides new perspectives on leadership of international organizations, how these leaders may foster organizational cooperation or competition, and broader implications for the security roles that UN and NATO will play in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trilateral security cooperation among Japan, Australia and the United States has accelerated over the last few years, with the first foreign ministerial meeting held in early 2006. Not unexpectedly, the new cooperation between Canberra, Tokyo, and Washington is often characterized as a revival of Containment (against China, this time) or a mini-NATO in Asia. The paper will examine this latest development in East Asia’s security relations, with a specific focus on Japanese policymaking. The concept of a democratic state as one form of state identity will be given particular attention for understanding Tokyo’s attitude toward trilateral security cooperation, as well as the new security order in Asia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents research from a joint project between the Brookings Institution, Center for International Cooperation, and Center for International Security and Cooperation that evaluates the performance of international institutions in addressing civil violence and regional conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines developments in EU Member States’ counter-terrorism policies in the last decade. Most EU initiatives to develop a common European capacity to prevent terrorism from the mid-1990s have aimed at improving cooperation among the Member States. Concerned onlookers still wait for these efforts to produce intended results. While these problems can be attributed an unwillingness to suspend the sovereign prerogative in national security matters, another related reason is arguably that the Member States have very different national counter-terrorism legacies. Previous empirical research on counter-terrorism within the EU only gives some guidance as to whether this would be a reasonable claim. First, it has yet presented few comparable indicators of Member States’ counter-terrorism policies. All previous studies draw on case studies or, at best, comparative case studies, rendering longitudinal systematic comparison within and across polities difficult. Second, most previous research has primarily focused on an overly narrow conception of counter-terrorism policy. Urging the need for systematic studies in this area, the objective of this study is to develop a conceptual framework and an analytical method to study counter-terrorism policies of EU Member States. We proceed in two steps. First, we define counter-terrorism policy as a two-dimensional concept combining Member States’ positioning on (a) counter-terrorism ambitions and (b) civil rights ambitions. Striking a balance between these core values is the most critical challenge in the liberal democratic response to terrorism. Second, we estimate all Member States’ positioning in this two-dimensional space over time (1996-2006) by resorting to paneldata obtained from various EU bodies following key conventions related to counter-terrorism cooperation in Europe. These data will enable us to analyze the correlation between the fight against terrorism and the civil rights ambitions of the Member States. Adjacently we will be able to show how national experiences of terrorism affect cohesion and diversity among EU Member States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does ASEAN's cooperative security matter and, if so, in what sense? This paper argues that the key to capturing the significance of ASEAN's cooperative security enterprise is the positive interaction between two possible motives for the implementation of cooperative policies, namely, the pursuit of normative appropriateness and the egoistic calculation of strategic interests. Through the pursuit of normative appropriateness by the ASEAN counties, the elements of their self-interest associated with cooperation have increasingly been salient - namely, the achievement of their "national interests" or "national security" through the enhancement of ASEAN's relations with China, its autonomy vis-à-vis the US, and its centrality in Asia-Pacific regionalism in the security field. In this respect, for the ASEAN countries, cooperative security matters because it is in line with what they perceive as an appropriate approach to security; moreover, it matters because its promotion has increasingly been beneficial to their strategic interests defined in egoistic terms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite stipulations in the Sudan’s 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that all ‘other armed groups’ be demobilised by January 2006, the South Sudan Defence Force (SSDF) continued to maintain a significant armed presence in South Sudan. This paper analyses the dynamics of the organisation, the impact of its ongoing presence on the security situation and reconstruction efforts, and details attempts by the Government of South Sudan to counteract the SSDF from January to August 2006. It argues that the strategies implemented by the government to counter the SSDF were fairly successful in that there was no major return to conflict. However, it concludes that the SSDF’s continued presence, while hindered, had the potential to spark a return to civil war and still does. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is increasingly depicted as a security issue. However, different conceptions of security, ranging from traditional to broad understandings of human security underly these securitization moves. The paper traces these conceptions and investigates their relative weights in international policy discourses as well as material action by international organisations and national governments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom holds that the transatlantic relationship has changed fundamentally since the end of the cold war. Diverging power disparities, cultural predilections, and national interests have prompted America and the states of Europe to adopt incompatible foreign policy orientations that make cooperation increasingly difficult. Until Europe becomes powerful enough to balance the United States militarily, the former partners? foreign policies will continue to diverge and joint action will remain illusory. This article rejects the conventional wisdom to demonstrate that while cultural incompatibilities do lie at the heart of the transatlantic rift, a particular type of communication that takes place in specific institutional settings can ameliorate the effect of these incompatibilities. The effectiveness of this model is illustrated through an in-depth case study analysis of transatlantic efforts to resolve the conflict in Bosnia. The conclusion extends this analysis to the recent transatlantic divisions over the war in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust and confidence are key building blocks for relations among people, within societies and among nations. Trust and confidence are fundamental in bringing long-term security to any society, a security that increasingly depends on our ability to handle non-military crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organizations are sometimes designed to contrive symmetry, sacrificing policy effectiveness for the sake of preserving a balance of bargaining leverage among member states. When cooperation requires unequal investments in relationship-specific or complementary goods, states will use international organizations to make exemptions for potentially-vulnerable states and to implement institutional mechanisms that privilege the interests of the potentiallyvulnerable members. These may reduce the overall value of cooperation, but are the only way to make cooperation possible in the first place. At the height of its post-WWII predominance the U.S. sought an international system to regulate the spread of nuclear technology, a goal widely shared by allies and adversaries alike, but its initial proposals for a strong supranational authority were rejected. Instead, the compromise that came into being in 1957 as the International Atomic Energy Agency was largely ineffective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within less than a decade piracy has been turned from a marginal economic problem into a global security problem. A surprising array of international actors addresses piracy and coordinates their activities. In this contribution we interrogates this astonishing story of international cooperation. We argue that what we can observe here is a global security governance arrangement under construction. We conduct a praxiographic analysis of the current counter-piracy governance arrangement. A praxiographic analysis takes as the main unit of analysis practice, that is, collective patterns of action which entail speech and doings. Based on this evidence we carry out what can be called an "informed speculation" about the future of the arrangement. Based on the notion of macrosecuritization we develop three different forms of expectations (or scenarios) of what characterizes the piracy governance arrangement: 1) an interest based "alliance" or "coalition of the willing"; 2) as a forming "security community" of cosmopolitan or regional scale; or as a 3) hybrid "global security assemblage". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The norm diffusion literature has strongly contributed to the disciplines understanding of how norms emerge, spread, and become internalized. At the same time the norm diffusion literature runs the risk of eclipsing agency. This is problematic as the norm diffusion literature is based on a social constructivist ontology (broadly understood) that attempts to give equal weight to agency and structure. I suggest that the problems of making agency visible (at a practical, not a theoretical level) stem from two interrelated scholarly practices. For one, insufficient attention is paid to the metaphors that underlie the understanding of norms. Most metaphors that are used are mechanical and suggest a high degree of automaticity. Additionally, some central metaphors create the impression that norms themselves actually do something, thereby moving norm-diffusion research close to a self-actionist standpoint. Secondly, the normdiffusion literature often uses a narrative structure that treats norms (rather than persons or institutions), as if they were themselves agents. In short, norms emerge, norms diffuse, norms cascade, and norms resonate. This creates an 'illusion of agency' without accounting for the actual processes through which norms come to be adopted. In a final step I briefly suggest to look at norms from a processual-relational perspective (Norbert Elias) in order to more fruitfully think about how norms are involved in the 'shaping' of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current U.S. security strategy contains several relevant elements, and some of them are new. At the inter-American level, the most important issue is whether security will override indefinitely other important issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. The end of the Cold War radically changed the global panorama and gave rise to the emergence of new actors and issues on the international agenda that are currently challenging the scenario of the world order. Terrorism, drug trafficking, and the fight against organized crime are some of the big problems to be tackled. September 11 produced a rigorous review of U.S. security doctrine, giving rise to preemptive action and homeland security, which demonstrate how the United States concentrated on implementing unilateral policies by adopting a strategy towards guaranteeing security "vis-à-vis everyone and despite everyone." The future of Latin America in U.S. national security plans, at least in the short term, was relegated to a back burner, just as multilateralism became the mechanism par excellence for solving conflicts in the international arena. In the eight years of the George W. Bush presidency, the United States returned to a vertical unilateralism, with extraordinary implications for international security. The U.S. also relatively abandoned some of the regions allegedly of importance, such as Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World's quest for energy is growing bigger every day as a result of different factors. In this context, energy security arises as a global concern. As a multifaceted concept, energy security has been defined in several ways, ranging from the most restricti ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TOWARDS A COOPERATIVE SECURITY ORDER IN ASIAThe future security of Asia cannot be considered in isolation and has to be considered within the ambit of the larger issue of global security due to the many complex linkages that have emerged since the end ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of all the responses of the political elites to changed international norms after 1918, none was more challenging than that of disarmament. The newly-formed League of Nations attempted to impose a very different way of conducting relations between nations ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My argument is that the UN Secretariat has a crucial influence on the work of the United Nations, especially in relation to the maintenance of international peace and security. Its influence can also be described as that of one of the five permanent member. To prove my argument I will examine the influence of the Secretariat on the development of the concept and practice of the UN peacekeeping operations in the early 90's. Using its unique position in the debates of member states, the Secretariat can influence the members of diplomatic delegation by giving them 'official information' on the conflicts and 'professional' optional courses of actions. Furthermore, since its members run the UN peacekeeping operations sometimes they had more influence on the ground then member states. I will show how the Secretariat made the peacekeeping operation technique a new tool for the advancement of World Order. Furthermore, in its reports the Secretariat had and influence on the execution of multifunctional operations in Mozambique, Former Yugoslavia and Somalia sometimes against the wishes and interests of member states. Also, I will show how it deflected criticism on its work by advocating professionalism. Examples of this can be seen in the support the Secretariat gave for the reform movement of the Security Council and in their calling for the enlargement of the resources in its disposal. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International security preoccupations have gone through several transformations since the end of the Cold War, from national security to human security and more recently security against international terrorism. During the same period, globalization has i ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global governance and security governance remain incomplete, under construction. Despite the opportunities for the broadening and deepening of the global and security governance project that have been provided by the cold war’s end, the project’s future ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades the US has identified and aggressively confronted states like North Korea, Iran, and Libya as pariahs due to their attempts to gain nuclear weapons outside of, or despite the international nonproliferation regime. So then how exactly do w ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does Russia seek competition or cooperation with the West? During the Putin era, Russia has increasingly asserted itself on the international security stage, provoking commentaries in the West that a new Cold War is in the offing. Others rebut that Russia ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European foreign and security policy is an issue area characterized by multiple international institutions with overlapping jurisdictions and duplicative memberships. How do states decide which institution or institutions to use when they want to cooperate on foreign policy? What factors matter when they make that decision â€" characteristics of the institution, or characteristics of the issue? This investigation into forum shopping behavior in European foreign policy cooperation goes beyond existing studies of forum shopping in three ways. First, it examines both the choice among institutions as well as the choice to use an institution; unilateral behavior and ad hoc multilateral cooperation are also outcome of interest. Second, its sample consists of a random set of international events drawn from .Keesing’s Contemporary Archive.. This innovative sampling approach helps to correct for the selection bias that would arise from studying only examples of successful cooperation. Third, it uses a seemingly unrelated probit approach to explore the dynamics of complementarity and substitution among the outcomes of interest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US- Adriatic Charter, an initiative in the spirit of the 1998 U.S.-Baltic Charter, was proposed jointly by the Presidents of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia to President Bush at the NATO Prague Summit in November 2002. It was signed by four ministers of foreign affairs in Tirana on May 2, 2003. Charter as a diplomatic project had two objectives -- to secure the open door NATO policy and to provide framework for the cooperation and mutual support of candidate countries. On both of these two accounts it was successful. The Charter partners made strong commitments on such areas as democratic reforms and the creation of the conditions for NATO membership. Additional effect of the Charter is the very real progress made in mutual relations of the countries of South East Europe by improving the security conditions in the region. US-Adriatic Charter of Partnership is a successful example of cooperation among small states with common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a basic analytical framework for assessing the nature and implications of changing nuclear capabilities by states on their security relationships with others. It says that the framework will be applied to the current and future nuclear capabilities of North Korea and will illustrate how the security relationship will evolve unless resolved in the present. It cites the impact of nuclear proliferation on crisis stability and the nature of interstate security relationships.

The article focuses on a study that examines the rationales and substance of the redefined U.S.-Japan alliance. It cites the implications of the 1997 Revised Guidelines for the U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation and the 2005 Joint Statement of the U.S.-Japan Security Consultative Committee for regional security issues, particularly a contingency in the Taiwan Strait. It examines the special role that Japan plays in the U.S. security strategy in the region.

The article discusses the role of the Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) in establishing cooperative security in Northeast Asia. It explains that the idea of cooperative security involves cooperation based on the definition of scholars Ashton B. Carter, William J. Perry and John D. Steinbuner. The strategy of cooperative security as a realistic approach is also tackled. It argues that the ODA can establish its security through bilateral and regional relations in the region.

The article focuses on the international identity of the European Union (EU) through the link between security, integration and identity. It mentions that the notion of international identity is an attempt to think about how the EU is constituted, constructed and represented internationally. It offers a distinction between the levels where the EU plays different roles as a security actor. It also provides information on EU foreign policy. It claims that the EU narrative about EU-United Nations (UN) relations shape the international identity of EU.

This paper analyses discourses related to “global migration management” from the point of view of the later Foucauldian theorizing on security as related to the management of circulation. “Global migration management” refers to the very recent, in fact, still nascent, discourses on migration that take place in international organizations, agencies as well as independent initiatives (IOM, ILO, Berne Initiative, Global commission on International Migration etc). In various texts emanating from these fora, international migration is reproblematized as a subject of international concern; constituted as an issue which should be met and handled through increased levels of international cooperation. Importantly, migration is here recognized as a permanent and normal phenomenon in world affairs. This paper analyses the rationalities of security figuring in this discourse on how to manage the circulation of populations that are now seen as inherently mobile. Attention will particularly be paid to how sovereign and biopolitical rationalities are translated into discourses of state security and human security respectively, and how these intersect in the management of circulation at the global level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post 9/11 international policy agenda has concluded that there is a “nexus” between security and development (S and D). This has led to calls for strategies that integrate different policy sectors in coherent approaches and draw together the differing policy instruments of development, diplomacy, defense, and democracy-building. Such strategies, it is argued, should operate across individual governments as well as among such governments, including through multilateral procedures such as the UN Peacebuilding Commission or those of other international bodies. But what the “security/development nexus” actually means in practical terms and how to formulate specific strategies that are effective based on the “nexus” idea -- either in terms of their content or the decision processes for reaching them -- is a huge unanswered question on which the utility of the nexus concept will stand or fall. For one thing, the content and organization of the nexus may mean very different things at differing levels, such as a PRT team in a local community in Afghanistan compared to the elements in a country’s national development plan. For another, it is left unclear which of the factors in the overall menu or “palette” should be promoted at what times in the phases of a country’s evolution or of its conflicts. Without such specifications, the S/D nexus idea is bound to become simply a rhetorical cover for uninformed efforts to do everything at once, which is unrealistic and possibly risky; to simplistically emphasize one factor over all others, which is ill-advised; or to engage in the same inter-sectoral competition for budget allocations that tends to characterize much current country and multi-lateral decisionmaking toward developing countries.This paper seeks to make progress in addressing the question of which of the main elements in the current discourse â€" physical security, economic development, “democracy” in the sense of representation of citizens in governance, and a strong “state” in the sense of functioning executive and judicial institutions -- may generally need to take priority over other factors in the planning done for and by particular countries. The study is based on an a comparative analysis of the extent that seven low to middle income countries achieved security as well as development in the post-Cold War era, and what underlying structural as well as institutional, political and policy factors were associated with the highest eventual achievements on those two criteria. A spectrum of outcomes is shown, with Namibia as the highest achiever, followed by Guyana, and Somalia and Guinea-Bissau the lowest, with Kyrgystan, Tajikistan and Yemen in the middle ranks. To explain these outcomes, the paper finds that the countries’ differing natural resource, environmental, and colonial legacies did give some of them a better “chance” at S and D than others. In addition, however, during their post-independence and post Cold War years, a consistently critical determinant of whether they attained some steady trajectory of improving security and development has had to do with whether their political leaders achieved a working accommodation that both avoided violent conflicts and allowed relatively broad-based development aid and policies to be progressively implemented. Finally, these findings lead to recommendations regarding the most appropriate collective decision-making processes for identifying and achieving agreement on the most effective country-specific strategies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Commission and the Council of European Union have recently started to work on a common concept of "Security Sector Reform" (SSR) so as to be able to cooperate more closely when engaging in 'fragile states'. By mid 2007, we have two separate concept papers and an increasing record of EU missions in the Balkans, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and in Afghanistan, which have the objectives of either reforming the police or the justice systems, key aspects of SSR. This paper has three aims: first, it discusses the similarities and differences in the two concept papers and then it outlines a framework for understanding the competing interests, ideas and institutions that are shaping the evolution of this policy-area by taking into account divergent hypotheses present in competing paradigms. The third aim is to examine the manner and extent to which the EU is applying the principle of "ownership" to some of the most recent and ongoing missions that it is undertaking in the Balkans and in sub-Saharan Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The April 2007 visit by Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao to Japan highlights new opportunities for cooperation between China and Japan to address challenges of globalization, such as pollution and rising demand for energy, yet progress in their relations has been uneven. Until recently China’s approach to globalization largely focused on its economic benefits and assumed that the Chinese state would be able to manage the process. Increasingly Chinese leaders and scholars are calling attention to the numerous non-traditional security challenges facing their country. The problems of economic globalization and non-traditional security are linked, however, as China’s dramatic growth creates unintended non-traditional security consequences for its neighbors, as well as its own citizens.This paper argues that, even if its rise is peaceful, China’s development creates unintended environmental consequences such as trans-boundary air pollution and rising demand for energy, which create risk for its neighbors. The paper examines China’s environmental risk management and its impact on Sino-Japanese relations, using a conceptual framework based on the work of European theorists of risk, particularly German sociologist Ulrich Beck’s World Risk Society. This research reveals a pattern of cooperation in addressing air pollution, but greater competition over energy. Why is there cooperation in the environmental area? Why has competition been more prevalent over energy? The paper argues that several factors shape the impact of environmental risk in China’s relations with Japan, including the urgency of the risk involved, the nature of risk management, state-society relations, and the securitization of risk. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crux of international security cooperation has traditionally been state-centric, e.g. building international alliances or organizations, conducting state-to-state containment strategies. With the rise of violent global non-state actors, in particular terrorists, these traditional statist responses appear inappropriate and inadequate. Are states adapting new ways of transnational security cooperation to respond to these new non-state security challenges? This paper explores this question by comparing states? transnational security cooperation practices in the pre and post-9/11 eras. Based on documental evidence and on a series of interviews with officials from Europol, Interpol, and police officers engaged in transnational police networking activities, this paper tries to understand whether states have been adopting alternative forms of transnational security cooperation. Preliminary results indicate that major states, despite the general understanding of a failure to adapt, are in fact searching for hybrid forms of transnational security cooperation, in particular transnational police cooperation and liaisons (?cop-to-cop? channels). In addition to making policy recommendations, the paper suggests that post-international theories and paradigms can accommodate non-statist explanations of hard politics issues, such as international security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]