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This paper critiques the category of possession-form dissociative identity disorder as defined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 5 (DSM-5) published in 2013 by the American Psychiatric Association (APA). The DSM as an index of psychiatry pathologises possession by categorising it as a form of dissociative identity disorder. Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork, this paper argues that such a pathologisation medicalises possession, which is understood as a non-pathological condition in other contexts such as by those individuals who manifest possession at a temple in Kerala, South India. Through medicalising and further by creating distinctions between acceptable and pathological possession, the DSM converts a form of distress into a disease. This has both conceptual and pragmatic implications. The temple therefore becomes reduced to a culturally acceptable site for the manifestation of a mental illness in a form that is culturally available and possession is explained solely through a biomedical framework, denying alternative conceptualisations and theories which inform possession. By focussing on the DSM-5 classification of possession and the limitations of such a classification, this paper seeks to posit an alternative conceptualisation of possession by engaging with three primary areas which are significant in the DSM categorisation of possession: the DSM's conceptualisation of self in the singular, the distinction between pathological and non-pathological forms of possession, and the limitations of the DSM's equation of the condition of possession with the manifestation of possession. Finally, the paper briefly highlights alternative conceptualisations of possession, which emerged from the perspective of those seeking to heal possession at the Chottanikkara temple. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the grid of sentiment that structures medical travel to India. In contrast to studies that render emotion as ancillary, the paper argues that affect is fundamental to medical travel's ability to ease the linked somatic, emotional, financial, and political injuries of being ill 'back home'. The ethnographic approach follows the scenes of medical travel within the Indian corporate hospital room, based on observations and interviews among foreign patients, caregivers, and hospital staff in Mumbai, New Delhi, Chennai, and Bangalore. Foreign patients conveyed diverse sentiments about their journey to India ranging from betrayal to gratitude, and their expressions of risk, healthcare costs, and cultural difference help sustain India's popularity as a medical travel destination. However, although the affective dimensions of medical travel promise a remedy for foreign patients, they also reveal the fault lines of market medicine in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the recognition that 'culture matters' in designing effective public health programs, this paper focuses on one refraction of culture within the so-called 'homosexual' community in India, to highlight how attention to local knowledge and its socio-economic underpinnings can impact the politics of health care. Drawing primarily on ethnographic fieldwork conducted from 1995-1997 and 2003 in the South Indian city of Hyderabad among hijras (the so-called third sex of India) as well as the wider community of MSM or 'men who have sex with men', the paper argues that public health framings of homosexuality often fail to pay attention to differential understandings of stigma and their socio-economic underpinnings, a failure that accounts in some measure for the ineffectiveness of prevention programs targeted at 'high risk' communities such as hijras and MSM. Focusing on the local moral economy of respect and shame as one pathway of stigma and contagion, and in particular on the differences in constructions of respect and shame between hijras and the wider community of MSM, this paper points at one small way in which understanding how culture matters can ultimately address the ineffectiveness of prevention programs and redress the inequalities in health outcomes between the various margins and centers of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the supernatural beliefs of najar (evil eye) and bhut (ghost) and their roles in illness causation in Gujarati families in Britain today. The data arose unexpectedly in an ethnography of child rearing patterns carried out in Harrow, North West London and a short period of observation in Ahmedabad, India. I used anthropological methods of participant observation and unstructured interviews, which were transcribed using pseudonyms. The study group involved 70 Hindu and Jain Gujarati households with children and the fieldwork was conducted over a period of four years. Many of the individuals studied had migrated from India to East Africa before coming to the UK in the 1970s, but maintain links with both countries through kinship ties, marriage and rituals. I set out to study the continuity of women's roles in the transmission of religious and moral values, the rituals of childhood, views about infant feeding, and parenting relationships within joint families. The beliefs of najar and bhut in poor, rural settings in India have been described, but these Gujarati beliefs in Britain have not been well documented. This study indicates that najar and bhut continue to be a concern of women in most Gujarati families in Britain today and across all socio-economic groups, not confined to those on the 'bread-line', as have been previously suggested. These beliefs align themselves with Hindu ideas of the soul and reincarnation: powerful forces residing outside the body. An understanding of these beliefs could be informative to health professionals working with Gujarati communities in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]