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Europe: the fruit of a willing construction that superseded much of its past darkness by gradually transforming numerous walls, prejudices and conflicts into bridges of cooperation and mutually enriching developments. Spain: An amalgam of creative tensions, of groundbreaking realisations, of successively frustrated and regained horizons and of long fought hopes. This monograph aims to analyse the vectors and degrees of convergence, the cohesion factors and the changing paradigms of the relation between both in a context marked by crisis and questioning. The key question in this realm is: Do they still revolve around converging pathways? The answer implies, at once, conscious mirrors and new determinations. Europa: Fruto de una construcción que superó muchas de las sombras de su pasado por medio de la transformación de numerosos muros, prejuicios y confl ictos en puentes de cooperación y en desarrollos mutuamente enriquecedores. España: Una amalgama de tensiones creativas, ideas revolucionarias, horizontes sucesivamente frustrados y reconquistados y esperanzas por las que se lucha largamente. Esta obra tiene por objetivo analizar los vectores y grados de convergencia, los factores de cohesión y los paradigmas cambiantes de la relación entre ambas en un contexto de crisis y cuestionamiento. La pregunta clave en este sentido es: ¿Gravitan todavía en torno a itinerarios cruzados? La respuesta implica, a un tiempo, reflejos conscientes y nuevas determinaciones.

Imagining Europe: Essays on the Past, Present and Future of the European Union examines the EU from a variety of perspectives. The collection begins with the expectation that, despite its challenges, the European Union is here to say, but it also proceeds from the premise that imaginative thinking is necessary to guide the 27 member organization into the future. The book offers nine chapters and a substantive introduction to examine the EU from the point-of-view of a commercial enterprise, the writings of José Ortega y Gasset, immigration and public opinion, its relationship with China, its management of political populism, the American Federalist papers—and more. The first chapter is a summary of the history, structure and processes of the European Union for the convenience of those using this text in the classroom. The last chapter considers this latest chapter of European development, in light of the historical quest for a united Europe. The contributors to the volume are scholars residing in the U.S., Poland, France, Switzerland, the Czech Republic, and Turkey.

This book fosters critical reflection on Europe's place in a fast-changing global environment, covering the soft and hard facets of EU power along the spectrum of low politics–high politics.Taking an innovative case-study approach, it provides a wide understanding of European Studies and International Relations beyond classical power considerations and addresses the crossroads of the two disciplines. Fundamentally, it addresses the specificity of the EU as an actor in International Relations and shows that the EU holds power and influence – creating opportunities for peace-making and peace-building – in a way classical IR theory would suggest it should not.This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Studies, foreign policy analysis, International Relations, Security Studies, Political Science, History, and Economics.

As a close aide to Michel Barnier, Stefaan De Rynck had a front row seat in the Brexit negotiations. In this frank and uncompromising account, De Rynck tells the EU's side of the story and seeks to dispel some of the myths and spin that have become indelibly linked to the Brexit process. From the mood in the room to the technical discussions, he gives an unvarnished account of the deliberations and obstacles that shaped the final deal. De Rynck demonstrates how the EU-27's unity held firm throughout, while the UK vacillated, changed negotiators, changed prime ministers and changed their aims and tactics. Attempts by the UK to run down the clock and issue ultimatums to force the EU to acquiesce are shown to have had no effect on the course of events. Instead Barnier's team was successful in protecting EU interests, in fulfilling the mandate defined by 27 national governments while still agreeing different forms of Brexit with two UK prime ministers. For the EU, Brexit was not, as some UK commentators and politicians liked to portray it, a fight with the UK. It was a fight to get a deal that worked for the EU.

The Maastricht Treaty remains a crossroad in the history of European integration. Since its ratification, policy areas at the core of the national sovereignties have been included in the Brussels agenda, the power balance between the European institutions has started to mutate, and the European Union affairs have progressively become a controversial issue in the public debate. The goal of the book is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the politicization of European affairs. The final aim is to assess the institutional and socio-political impact of EU politicization, detecting how the European elites could exploit the saliency gained by European affairs to enhance the legitimacy and effectiveness of the European institutions.

Which European and non-European ideas and practices facilitated the shaping of European unity? Or rather, which pursuits led to deadlocks in the cooperation between states? The book seeks answers to these questions by surveying the historical attempts at realizing supranational patterns of governance in Europe since the Middle Ages. The main focus is on the nineteenth and twentieth century organizational models of European unification. The analysis draws on an abundance of historical and legal source material. While the author encourages critical thinking about European integration, the exploration is admittedly based on specific values. Éva Bóka claims that the struggle for the humanization of power with its democratic creative force has been the major driver in the development of the system of liberties and the idea of European unity. The analysis of the historical process up to the Lisbon Treaty (2007) with the recognition of common, shared, and supported competences meets the author's set of values to a great extent. The last part of the book examines whether the European Union can serve as a political and economic organizational model for other parts of the world.

From her unique perspective as former French ambassador to the UK, Sylvie Bermann examines the mistruths told by politicians surrounding the fateful 2016 Brexit referendum. Au Revoir Britannia asks the question'How did this happen?'and exposes what she sees as the'unrepenting'and'inveterate'lies of the now pm, Boris Johnson. This first English edition includes a new preface exploring the future of post-Brexit Europe and Britain, and the uncertain implications of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Despite all efforts to create a political union capable of improving European citizens'quality of life, there are several barriers to the European Union's (EU) expansion to the Balkan Region. The EU enlargement and expansion to the Balkan Region is one of the Union's greatest challenges and political objectives in recent years. In the turmoil of economic, social, and sanitarian crises, where is the space to debate the enlargement of the EU? Challenges and Barriers to the European Union Expansion to the Balkan Region presents the EU's structure, the process of enlargement, and the challenges related to the Balkan region. This book addresses critical issues and challenges in the EU and the emerging trends for the EU's future. Covering topics such as enlargement policy, integration, NATO, and political challenges, this book is a valuable resource for post-grad students of political science and international affairs, faculty of higher education, researchers, academicians, politicians, world leaders, and policymakers.

Since Turkey's EU accession has arguably come to a halt with the freezing of several negotiation chapters in 2005, Turkey and the European Union have been through many internal and global crises. As a result of these crises, while the priorities of both parties have changed, EU–Turkey relations advance still at a snail's pace rather than totally breaking down. EU/Turkey Relations in the Shadows of Crisis: A Break-Up or Revival? aims to challenge the future of the relations between the European Union and Turkey by discussing the impact of the crises on not only the parties involved but also on their relations by displaying both imperfections in the EU/Turkey association and the future cooperation/accession alternatives between the European Union and Turkey.

Where does Europe begin and end? How have the European Union and its precursors decided which countries are eligible to join the community and which are not? Few issues are more hotly debated, more important for the course of European integration, or more consequential for individuals in and around the EU. As this book demonstrates, the limits of Europe are determined by the values shared at particular moments in time by the leaders of the community's member states, regardless of their particular policy preferences. These membership norms shape the community's decisions on enlargement by empowering certain political forces and disempowering others. And contrary to conventional wisdom, these norms have changed considerably over time. The Limits of Europe: Membership Norms and the Contestation of Regional Integration uses a novel combination of normative genealogy, statistical analysis and detailed tracing of EU decision-making on Greece, Spain, Turkey and Ukraine to demonstrate that changing membership norms have had a stronger impact on the community's enlargement since the 1950s than treaty rules, the location of the states seeking membership, or even the commercial or security interests of member states.

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licence. It is free to read at Oxford Scholarship Online and offered as a free PDF download from OUP and selected open access locations. How and under what conditions does the European Union (EU) shape processes of institution building in other regional organizations? Interorganizational Diffusion in International Relations: Regional Institutions and the Role of the European Union develops and tests a theory of interorganizational diffusion in international relations that explains how successful pioneer organizations shape institutional choices in other organizations by affecting the institutional preferences and bargaining strategies of national governments. The author argues that Europe's foremost regional organization systematically affects institution building abroad, but that such influence varies across different types of organizations. Mixing quantitative and qualitative methods, it shows how the EU institutionally strengthens regional organizations through active engagement and by building its own institutions at home. Yet, the contractual nature of other regional organizations bounds this causal influence; EU influence makes a distinguishable difference primarily in those organizations that, like the EU itself, rest on an open-ended contract. Evidence for these claims is drawn from the statistical analysis of a dataset on the institutionalization of 35 regional organizations in the period from 1950 to 2017 as well as detailed single and comparative case studies on institutional creation and change in the Southern African Development Community, Mercosur, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the North American Free Trade Agreement. Transformations in Governance is a major academic book series from Oxford University Press. It is designed to accommodate the impressive growth of research in comparative politics, international relations, public policy, federalism, environmental and urban studies concerned with the dispersion of authority from central states up to supranational institutions, down to subnational governments, and side-ways to public-private networks. It brings together work that significantly advances our understanding of the organization, causes, and consequences of multilevel and complex governance. The series is selective, containing annually a small number of books of exceptionally high quality by leading and emerging scholars. The series targets mainly single-authored or co-authored work, but it is pluralistic in terms of disciplinary specialization, research design, method, and geographical scope. Case studies as well as comparative studies, historical as well as contemporary studies, and studies with a national, regional, or international focus are all central to its aims. Authors use qualitative, quantitative, formal modeling, or mixed methods. A trade mark of the books is that they combine scholarly rigour with readable prose and an attractive production style. The series is edited by Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the VU Amsterdam, and Walter Mattli of the University of Oxford.

This book provides a multilevel system analysis of performance in the production of global public goods, as well as a tailored analysis of the specific features of performance management systems in international organizations. The book compares performance management systems across a number of international organizations, including the European Union and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).

The EU's pluralistic, nonhierarchical system of multilevel governance lacks clear structures of both government and opposition. According to the EU treaties, the presidency of the European Commission is thus not explicitly expected to exercise political leadership. However, the position cannot effectively be exercised without any demonstration of such leadership due to its many leadership functions. Examining this curious mix of strong political demands, weak institutional powers, and need for political leadership, this book systematically analyses the political leadership performance of the presidents of the European Commission throughout the process of European integration. The basic argument is that Commission presidents matter not only in the process of European integration, but that their impact varies according to how the different incumbents deal with the institutional structure and the situational circumstances, and thus their available strategic choices. The primary research question is thus, What makes political leadership in European governance successful and to what extent (and why) do Commission presidents differ in their leadership performance? In addressing this question, this book departs from existing research on EU leadership, which has to date often analysed either the EU's institutional structure and its potential for leadership or mainly focused on only the most recent incumbents in case study analyses. Focusing on the multiterm European Commission presidents Walter Hallstein, Jacques Delors, and José Manuel Barroso, this book conceptualizes their political leadership as a performance, and thus systematically analyzes their agenda-setting, mediative-institutional, and public outreach performance over the entire course of their presidential terms.

This edited volume provides a timely analysis of the European Union's ‘privileged'partnerships with neighbouring countries, identifying key points of comparison. It analyses which policy areas are covered and why, the reasons why a specific institutional arrangement has been chosen, the major advantages and shortcomings for both sides and how effectively the privileged partnerships have worked in practice. Drawing on a number of case studies, the book highlights critical junctures and path dependence in the EU's external relations and examines what general lessons can be drawn regarding privileged partnerships, in particular with a view to the UK's post-Brexit relationship with the EU.This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners in EU affairs, European politics, diplomacy studies, and more broadly to international relations and law.

With the establishment of the EU, the goals and policies pursued through European Communities, and the targets and policies covered by new action areas, which include Economic and Monetary Union, European Citizenship, Common Security and Foreign Policy which will be progressed gradually by European Union treaty, have started to be addressed as a whole. The identity of the EU at the global level has also experienced change. In this context, the EU represents a political structure on its own, with its institu-tions, activities and authority, which constitute a supranational structure. Of course, it is not possible to say that this process continues without any problems and disputes. However, when we look at the development process of the EU, it is seen that this change and the transformation continue in the context of the requirements and the process continues dynamically. In this context, this study includes other studies discussing the developments of the EU in different policy spaces. In these studies, it has been examined whether EU policies have an impact on national structures, practices and actors and if there is, how and under what conditions this has become clear.

The European Union's origins lie in the ruins of World War Two. This war inflicted huge psychological damage and everyone came to the same conclusion: no more war! European integration proved a successful tool for realising this deep-seated need. Now, 60 years on, the tool appears to have lost its effectiveness. A large section of the population is worried about the EU's common policies. Will the Greeks ever pay back those billions? Will immigrants ever really integrate? For 60 years now European integration has been proceeding regardless, without taking cultural differences into account. Can this process carry on unnoticed? Has the integration process perhaps gone too far? Will it at some point stir up such powerful counterforces that the European Union becomes a victim of its own success? ‘The Desperate Union'discusses the consequences of the profound cultural differences in Western Europe and emphasizes the role cultural differences can play in the debate about further European integration.

Für die moderne Nationalstaatlichkeit gilt so einfach wie scheinbar unveränderbar: Nationalstaaten haben Staatsgrenzen. In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat sich in der Europäischen Union allerdings ein Grenzregime herausgebildet, das den Fortbestand dieser exklusiven Verbindung grundsätzlich infrage stellt. Die doppelte Codierung der Grenzen steht im Zentrum dieser Entwicklung. Was bedeutet die doppelt codierte Grenze nun für den Nationalstaat und das Verständnis von nationaler Souveränität? Das Buch beantwortet diese Frage über die Untersuchung der Perspektive des Nationalstaates auf das europäische Grenzregime und integriert zentrale empirische Befunde in theoretische Analysen über die Dynamik zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie der Europäischen Union. Als Fallbeispiel dient die Republik Italien.

This unique collection of data includes concise definitions and explanations relating to all aspects of the European Union. It explains the terminology surrounding the EU, and outlines the roles and significance of its institutions, member countries, foreign relations, programmes and policies, treaties and personalities. It contains over 1,000 clear and succinct definitions and explains acronyms and abbreviations, which are arranged alphabetically and fully cross-referenced.Among the 1,000 entries you can find explanations of and background details on: ACP states Article 50 Brexit competition policy Donald Tusk the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund the euro Greece Jean-Claude Juncker Europol migration and asylum policy the Schengen Agreement the Single Supervisory Mechanism the single rulebook the Treaty of Lisbon Ukraine

Es ist ein altbekannter Mechanismus, dass insbesondere in Krisenzeiten das Vertrauen in bewährte Institutionen schwindet. Dies gilt auch für die Europäische Union, deren Zusammenhalt und Aufnahmefähigkeit in diesen Tagen mehr denn je in Frage steht. Gegenstand des Buches ist die Untersuchung der potenziellen Auswirkungen der Ost-Erweiterungen auf die Handlungsfähigkeit der EU. Wie gestaltet sich nach Aufnahme der neuen Mitgliedstaaten die Entscheidungsfindung im Ministerrat sowie im Europäischen Rat, also in den Institutionen, die als Hauptinstanz für die Vertretung nationaler Interessen gelten? Und wie funktionieren nach der jüngsten Vertragsreform von Lissabon die Abläufe im interinstitutionellen Kompetenz- und Entscheidungsgefüge? Ist der Europäischen Union der Spagat zwischen der Erweiterung nach Mittel- und Ost-Europa und der Wahrung ihrer ‚Capacity‘ (auch mit Blick auf die vollzogenen institutionellen Reformen) gelungen? Diese Fragestellungen beantwortet die Autorin anhand von zwei Fallstudien zu den Verhandlungen um den EU-Haushalt.

« Notre monde est-il au bord du gouffre? » On a pu montrer que le monde des années 2010-2015 n'était plus celui de « la mondialisation heureuse » (A. Minc) marqué par « la fin de l'Histoire » (F. Fukuyama), mais le monde d'une « mondialisation dure ». Force est de reconnaître que ces dernières années ont confirmé ce désordre grandissant : on en vient à parler de « l'affolement du monde » (Th. Gomart). On ne s'étonnera donc pas qu'à l'heure du redéploiement des cartes de la puissance mondiale, l'Union européenne nous montre aujourd'hui le visage d'un vieux continent en plein doute qui doit à nouveau s'interroger sur ses contenus et finalités, à l'horizon 2030-35.

In the early twenty-first century, Europe=s security is under threat from countless factors; some of the more striking examples include Russia=s military expansion, uncontrolled streams of refugees, the dangers of international terrorism, and not least the unclear policy of the USA towards NATO and the EU. Despite these tremendous challenges, the EU=s common foreign and security policy often remains indistinct. However, the EU has received the Nobel Peace Prize for its work and serves as a model throughout the world. This volume presents the ambivalent positioning and implementation of Europe=s foreign and security policy in a concise and easily understandable way, giving the reader a rapid introduction to this highly charged topic. It is thus intended both for students and also for interested laypersons.

In Continent by Default, Anne Marie Le Gloannec, a distinguished analyst of contemporary Europe, considers the European Union as a geopolitical project. This book offers a comprehensive narrative of how the European Union came to organize the continent, first by default through enlargement and in a more proactive, innovative, but not always successful way. The EU was not conceived as a foreign-policy actor, she says, and the Union was an innocent on questions of geopolitics. For readers who may wonder how the EU arrived at Brexit, the invasion of Ukraine, and the refugee crisis, Le Gloannec ties events to the EU's long-term failure to think in politically strategic terms. Le Gloannec takes readers through the process by which, under the security umbrella of the United States, the European Commission engineered a new way for states and societies to interact. Continent by Default shows the Commission domesticated international relations and promoted peace by including new members—enlargement was the most significant tool the EU used from its inception to organize the continent, but the EU also tied itself to its regional neighbors through various programs that too often gave those neighbors the advantage. As Continent by Default makes clear, the EU cannot devise strategy because foreign policy remains the privilege of national governments. It is a geopolitical actor without geopolitical means.

While Turkey in recent years has experienced an exhaustive accession process to join the EU -a long desired aim-, at the same time it has been increasing its involvement across the Middle East, leading to a debate over whether it is altering its focus from West to East. This book reveals that a shift in focus can be seen through analysis of the Turkish political elites'definitions of'self'and'other'that were established as part of the EU accession process. Melek Saral uses these definitions to help us better understand the shift that Turkey is currently undergoing.

Commencing in 2001, the Europa Lecture has become a high-profile fixture on the EU-New Zealand calendar. As witnessed by the fifteen lectures reproduced in this new volume, the speakers were selected for both their high-level profile as well as their importance to this bilateral dialogue. This volume includes speeches from three Prime Ministers, a President, four European Commissioners as well as four Foreign Ministers both European and New Zealanders. Each lecture, naturally, reflects the important issues of their day and cumulatively they produced a unique record of how EU-New Zealand relations have evolved, matured and continued to converge since the start of the new millennium. The earlier lectures reflect a general optimism in the European integration project, perhaps best highlighted by the historic enlargement of 1st May 2004. However, with the onset of the global financial crisis and then subsequent Eurozone debt crisis, the anticipated trajectory towards a supranational “ever closer union” was interrupted and the EU found itself confronting a period of both internal and external criticism and anxiety. It was in these less than auspicious times that significant effort towards enhancing New Zealand's bilateral relations with the EU gained momentum. These initiatives are expected to bear fruit in 2016 with the signing of a Partnership Agreement on Relations and Cooperation and – BREXIT not withstanding – a fully-fledged EU-NZ Free Trade Agreement before 2020. This collection of lectures ends just as the rise in Euroscepticism became evident and the first serious murmurings of BREXIT could be detected within British politics. The impact the UK's decision will have on EU-New Zealand relations remains uncertain although, as the introductory chapter to this volume suggests, since 2015 New Zealand's media have seemingly begun to conflate coverage of the EU as being tantamount to BREXIT. If this trend does come to dominate the New Zealand media landscape then Kiwi perceptions towards Europe run a risk of becoming unbalanced and a “Back to the Future” perspective reflecting the difficulties of the 1970s may again come shape perceptions.

In today's Europe, deep cracks are showing in the system of political cooperation that was designed to prevent the geopolitical catastrophes that ravaged the continent in the first half of the twentieth century. Europeans are haunted, once again, by the specters of nationalism, fascism, and economic protectionism. Instead of sounding the alarm, many conservatives have become cheerleaders for the demise of the European Union (EU). This compelling book represents the first systematic attempt to justify the European project from a free-market, conservative viewpoint. Although many of their criticisms are justified, Dalibor Rohac contends that Euroskeptics are playing a dangerous game. Their rejection of European integration places them in the unsavory company of nationalists, left-wing radicals, and Putin apologists. Their defense of the nation-state against Brussels, furthermore, is ahistorical. He convincingly shows that the flourishing of democracy and free markets in Europe has gone hand in hand with the integration project. Europe's pre-EU past, in contrast, was marked by a series of geopolitical calamities. When British voters make their decision in June, they should remember that while Brexit would not be a political or economic disaster for the United Kingdom, it would not solve any of the problems that the “Leavers” associate with EU membership. Worse yet, its departure from the European Union would strengthen the centrifugal forces that are already undermining Europe's ability to solve the multitude of political, economic, and security challenges plaguing the continent today. Instead of advocating for the end of the EU, Rohac argues that conservatives must come to the rescue of the integration project by helping to reduce the EU's democratic deficit and turning it into an engine of economic dynamism and prosperity.For the author's video on Brexit, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cFReUnO05Fo

This book examines the political and legal challenges of regional governance of the 28 countries of the European Union and the 48 in the Council of Europe. The contributions, dilemmas, and moral hazards from this record of nearly seven decades of regional inter-governmental institutions has kept the peace, but produced episodes of crisis from overstretching jurisdictions, thematically and geographically. Polarization between nationalist and integrative forces has displaced the idealistic aspirations of prior decades to build the rule of law and deter violence. Academics and policy makers will learn from the various legal and political efforts to integrate supranational and inter-governmental agencies with national political systems.

Scholarship on NATO is often preoccupied with key episodes in the development of the organisation and so, for the most part, has remained inattentive to theory. This book addresses that gap in the literature. It provides a comprehensive analysis of NATO through a range of theoretical perspectives that includes realism, liberalism and constructivism, and lesser-known approaches centred on learning, public goods, securitisation and risk. Focusing on NATO's post-Cold War development, it considers the conceptualisation, purpose and future of the Alliance.This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international organisation, international relations, security and European Politics.

The contributors assess to what extent regional organizations in Europe and Latin America provide a space for the regulation and provision of social policies in the area of social protection, higher education and health. They analyse the impact of regional organizations on social citizenship following political struggle and contestation.

This book engages with key contemporary European security issues from a variety of different theoretical standpoints, in an attempt to uncover the drivers of foreign policy and defence integration in the EU. Although European foreign policy has been attracting an ever-increasing number of International Relations (IR) scholars since the end of the Cold War, consensus on what drives European foreign policy integration has not yet emerged. This book seeks to encourage debate on this issue by examining a wide range of high-profile security issues which have roused significant interest from policy makers, academics and the public in recent years. The volume discusses, amongst other issues, the strategic posture of the European Union as a security actor, the troubled relationship with Russia, the debate regarding France's relations with the US following France's rapprochement with NATO and the EU's influence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The collective intent of the contributors to highlight the drivers of EU foreign policy and defence integration ties together the wide variety of topics covered in this volume, forming it into a comprehensive overview of this issue. By paying considerable attention not just to the internal drivers of EU cooperation, but also to the critical role played by the US as an incentive or obstacle to European security, this book presents a unique contribution to this field of debate.This book will be of much interest to students of European security, IR theory, Transatlantic Relations, European politics and EU foreign policy.

Die Arbeit ist eine interdisziplinäre Studie über die Rolle der nationalen Gleichbehandlungsstellen (GBS) und des Europäischen Netzes der GBS in Europa. Sie gibt Aufschluss über den Zusammenhang zwischen der Vernetzung der GBS und der Europäisierung im Bereich der Förderung der Gleichstellung. Die Entwicklung eines gemeinsamen Ansatzes zur Förderung der Gleichstellung in der EU ist auf zwei Arten möglich – durch Rechtsharmonisierung und Europäisierung. Mit Hilfe der Untersuchung der Ostseeregion kann gezeigt werden, dass die nationalen GBS und deren Vernetzung zur Europäisierung in der Gleichstellungsförderung führen können. Die Forschungsarbeit trägt dazu bei, eine bedeutende Lücke in der wissenschaftlichen Debatte über die GBS zu schließen und treibt die Debatte über Politiknetzwerke in der EU voran. Darüber hinaus wird belegt, dass der einzigartige Charakter der GBS und deren Vernetzung einen erheblichen Beitrag zu der Entwicklung fragmentierter, nationaler Ansätze hin zu einem gemeinsamen europäischen Konzept für die Gleichstellungsförderung liefern.

Die Einigung Europas ist eine beispiellose Erfolgsgeschichte. Zu ihr gehörten stets auch Krisen, aus denen das europäische Projekt wieder gestärkt hervorgegangen ist. In der gegenwärtigen Finanz- und Staatsschuldenkrise scheint dies anders. Nun steht in den Augen vieler das Projekt selbst auf dem Spiel. Die Beiträge des Bandes rekapitulieren entscheidende Antriebskräfte und Etappen aus der Geschichte des europäischen Einigungsprojekts und beleuchten zentrale Aspekte der gegenwärtigen Lage in Europa. Der Band skizziert zudem Wege der Erneuerung und Weiterführung des europäischen Projekts.

A key textbook for undergraduate and postgraduate students of contemporary European politics, European Union: Power and policy-making 4th edition offers a comprehensive and accessible analysis of the European Union policy process.Intended to advance understanding of the EU as a now mature and ongoing policy system, this book addresses the central issues relating to the distribution of power and influence in the European Union including: Theoretical perspectives The roles of key institutions in the processing of policy problems Different channels of representation The EU as a policy-making state Written by a distinguished group of international scholars, this new edition will also appeal to the worldwide community of researchers on the EU.New to this edition: New chapters on The Politics of Multispeed Europe, The Distribution of Power Among Institutions, EU Agencies, Covert Integration in the European Union, and Political Representation and Democracy in the EU. New authors and theoretical approaches on many topics such as differentiated integration, opt-outs and multi-speed integration, negotiation and coalition building, the interplay of judicial and legislative policy-making, power distribution, agency behaviour, integration by subterfuge, the democratic deficit fully updated data and content throughout Jeremy Richardson is joined by a co-editor, Professor Sonia Mazey, for the fourth expanded edition of this highly regarded textbook on the EU.Jeremy Richardson is an Emeritus Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, UK, and Adjunct Professor at the National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury, New Zealand. He is also Founder and Co-editor of the Journal of European Public PolicySonia Mazey is a Professor and Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the College of Business and Law, University of Canterbury, New Zealand and formally a Fellow of Keble College, Oxford, UK

As the first comprehensive monograph on the relations between the Catholic Church and the European Union, this book contains both a detailed historical overview of the political ties between the two complex institutions and a theoretical analysis of their normative orders and mutual interactions.

Presenting a critical overview of what'emerging multipolarity'means for the world's foremost global trading bloc and economic power, the European Union, this book offers new insights into how the rise of the emerging economies has impacted the EU and its role within the World Trade Organization.

Shelton investigates the conditionality regime directed at'transforming societies'inside EU candidate states. He offers a new understanding of conditionality that incorporates the social and subjective dimensions of the'European project', locating the ambitions and limits of conditionality in the ideas of political economy.

Lange Zeit hat Deutschland den Mittelmeerraum außenpolitisch vernachlässigt. Doch seit der deutsch-französischen Auseinandersetzung um die Mittelmeerunion und vor allem seit dem „Arabischen Frühling“ begreift Deutschland sich zunehmend als eigenständiger Akteur in Europas südlicher Nachbarschaft.Die Studie analysiert die deutsche Außenpolitik gegenüber dieser Region und arbeitet deren Selbstverständnis, Interessen und Strategien heraus. Ein aus der Europäisierungs- und Außenpolitikforschung entwickeltes Modell untersucht die Interaktion der nationalen und europäischen Ebene bei der Formulierung und Umsetzung von Außenpolitik. Während die Bundesrepublik anlässlich der Gründung der Mittelmeerunion noch eine gemeinsame EU-Politik erzwang, schritt sie in Reaktion auf die Umbrüche in Tunesien und Ägypten auch alleine voran. Bei der Libyen-Intervention beharrte sie auf ihrer nationalen Position. Es zeigt sich eine selektive Europäisierung, bei der die EU zuvorderst als optionale Projektionsfläche dient.

Die Entwicklung einer europäischen Bürgerschaft, einer europäischen Öffentlichkeit und der Demokratie in der Europäischen Union sind Voraussetzung für Integration und Legitimation der sich erweiternden Europäischen Union. Die Beiträge analysieren den Entwicklungsstand von Demokratie und Bürgerbeteiligung, der europäischen Öffentlichkeit und der europäischen Integration im Spannungsfeld von EU, Nationen und Regionen.

Contributors to this volume outline how societal actors have been closely involved in European integration from the founding of the EU to the Maastricht Treaty. Based on newly accessible sources, the authors discuss the participation of political parties, business groups and civil society organizations in European polity-building and policy-making.

Im Zuge der Erweiterung der Europäischen Union und den damit einhergehenden Veränderungen muss die Frage nach Stellenwert und Zukunft der europäischen Integration neu beantwortet werden. Aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven diskutieren deutsche und internetionele Europaexperten Konzepte der europäischen Integration, Insstitutionen und Politikfelder der EU, die Staatenordnung Europas sowie die Außenbeziehungen der Union. Ist die Europäische Union in der Lage, auch in Zukunft wichtigste Organisation in Europa und zentraler Bezugspunkt für die Politik der Mitgliedstaaten zu bleiben oder muss mit einem schleichenden Niedergang gerechnet werden?

Nei cinquant'anni della sua storia, l'Unione europea ha esteso i suoi confini includendo un numero di paesi più che quadruplo rispetto alle origini; ha ampliato le sue aree di competenza fino a ricomprendervi la moneta, la politica estera e la difesa; ha rafforzato i suoi poteri; ha sperimentato nuovi “metodi”; ha istituzionalizzato la propria presenza all'interno dei sistemi di sovranità nazionali. Frutto di uno dei più qualificati gruppi di ricerca sull'Europa attivi nel nostro paese, questo volume affronta in modo aggiornato e approfondito le principali problematiche riguardanti il processo di integrazione, la governance e le politiche europee, inserendosi autorevolmente nel dibattito internazionale sullo sviluppo e le trasformazioni dell'Unione.

How successful was the EU's Lisbon Strategy? This volume provides the first comprehensive assessment of the Strategy and reflects on its key developments during its 10-year cycle. The volume contains both theoretical and empirical contributions by some of the leading scholars of EU studies across the social sciences.

Vaclav Klaus is President of the Czech Republic. He hit the headlines most recently by refusing, like David Cameron, to sign up to the deal to bail out the Greek Government. In this new book, President Klaus examines the uneasy Europe of today, without illusions or personal attacks, but with a mercilessly realistic view of the system that Europe has created in the last half century. He examines the benefits of integrating the continent in strictly economic terms and explains the tragic flaw in the original plan to do so. They feared the consequences of nationalism and wanted to work for transcontinental unity. Klaus argues that the present situation is unstable and unsustainable. The President proposes a transformation of both the socio-economic system and the integration model of European unity, turning back to the market economy and a more realistic cooperation between European states.

European integration confuses citizens and scholars alike. It appears to transfer power away from national capitals towards Brussels yet a close study of the EU reveals the absence of any real leap towards supranationalism. The EU is dominated by cooperation between national representatives and national officials yet it continually appears to us as something external and separate from national political life. This book takes on these paradoxes by arguing that European integration should no longer be studied as the transcendence of states or as merely an expression of national interests. Rather, we should approach it as a process of state transformation. This transformation is from nation-state to member state. The book explores in detail the concept of member state, arguing that it provides us with the best tool for understanding the European integration process. Member states differ from traditional nation-states. They are not founded on the idea of popular sovereignty or the nation. They rest upon the idea that the governance of domestic societies requires external frameworks of rule that can bind the hands of national politicians. National authority is thus exercised through external rules and norms. Member statehood differs from earlier forms of statehood because it rests upon a presumption of conflict between state and society rather than an identity of interests between ruler and ruled. The book outlines in empirical detail these mysteries and paradoxes of European integration. It then outlines in detail the theory and history of member statehood. It applies the concept of member state to the study of two EU policy areas: macro-economic governance and foreign and security policy.

This book explores the EU's relations with its eastern neighbours. Based on extensive original research – including surveys, focus-groups, a study of school essays and in-depth interviews with key people in Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Russia and in Brussels – it assesses why the EU's initiatives have received limited legitimacy in the neighbourhood. The European Neighbourhood Policy of 2004, and the subsequent Eastern Partnership of 2009 heralded a new form of relations with the EU's neighbours – partnership based on joint ownership and shared values – which would complement if not entirely replace the EU's traditional governance framework used for enlargement. These initiatives have, however, received a mixed response from the EU's eastern neighbours. The book shows how the key elements of partnership have been forged mainly by the EU, rather than jointly, and examines the idea and application of external governance, and how this has been over-prescriptive and confusing.

The Delphic Oracle on Europe brings together leading thinkers and policy-makers from different academic disciplines and policy-oriented backgrounds from all over Europe. The chapters reflect on ways forward for the European Union (EU) in a time of global crisis and profound change. Contributors debate the institutional and political consequences of the Lisbon Treaty, the reform of economic governance in light of the economic and financial crisis, and Europe's global role in a rapidly changing international and regional environment. The volume is divided into three parts: Part I focuses on the Union's institutions and the question of leadership in an EU27+. Part II concentrates on the key elements of a new international socio-economic consensus. And Part III discusses the stakes in the agonising search for the EU's global role in a post-Lisbon and post-crisis world. A substantial concluding chapter pulls the themes of the volume together and looks to the future. The list of contributors includes a number of leading thinkers and policy-makers: Josep Borrell Fontelles, Jonas Condomines Beraud, Olaf Cramme, Janis A. Emmanouilidis, Dieter Helm, Philippe Herzog, Jolyon Howorth, Zaki Laidi, Roger Liddle, Pier Carlo Padoan, André Sapir, and Loukas Tsoukalis.

National and European Foreign Policy explores the processes of interaction between the national and the European levels in foreign policy making in European Union states. The volume also assesses the mutual influence which the Member States exert on each other, independent of the EU institutions, thus tracing the extent to which Member State foreign policies are being Europeanized into more convergent, coordinated policies. With chapters examining France, Germany, Italy, UK, Denmark, Greece, Spain, Finland, Poland and Slovenia, the overarching questions the volume addresses centre on the nature of the relationship between the foreign policies of the Member States and ‘European'foreign policy. Engaging with ‘Europeanization'with theoretical rigour, the contributors to this volume examine the EU's impact on the foreign policies of Member States old and new, the impact of the Member States on the EU's external relations, and the influence of the Member States on each other's foreign policies.Providing interesting detail on changes in foreign policy thinking and national policies using the concept of Europeanization, National and European Foreign Policy will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics and policy formation, foreign policy and International Relations.

L'Europe est un continent lié à la mer, par sa géographie comme par son histoire. Alors que reculent les puissances maritimes traditionnelles, l'UE peut-elle devenir une puissance de la mer? Liant l'aventure communautaire future à une meilleure appropriation des enjeux de la mer, cet essai se termine par des propositons de débat, dans une perspective'd'élargissement à l'Ouest'et de dépassement par l'UE des limbes de la puissance maritime.

Scholars and policymakers in EU foreign policy lament the EU's inability to assert itself on the world stage. This book explains this weakness by arguing that EU foreign policy is burdened by various internal functions, and systemizes the analysis of internal functionality, pushing the study beyond the concern with effectiveness.

This study provides a comprehensive discussion of all aspects of the European Union presence in International Organisations (IOs). The editors seek to explore both the political and institutional implications of the EU's interaction with IOs and the effect of the EU's presence on the functioning of the respective IOs.The result of an international workshop with an outstanding line up of experts, the book discusses a range of issues, including: The Impact of the EU security contributions to IO's such as the OSCE, NATO and the UN, and the EU's role in decision making. The role of EU – US relations in the development of major International Organisations Participation in the Doha Development agenda and the EU's relationship with the WTO The issues of leadership and coherence within and outside the EU The growing international relationship with the African Union and the more troubled supporting role of the Commonwealth. Approaching the EU's international interactions from different theoretical and analytical angles, this work clearly discusses the broad spectrum of issues that surround the evolution and future of the European Union in an international context

The debates on regionalism have been polarized between European Union (EU) scholars and non-EU scholars, with the assumption being that regionalism within the EU and other regions of the world are quite distinct, with little to be learnt from dialogue with each other. This book challenges such assumptions and calls for a genuine debate between scholars of regionalism.This book demonstrates that more can and needs to be learned about regional integration all over the world through comparison and reflection on specific regional trends. Beginning with a theoretically driven introduction, leading experts in the field are brought together to offer a series of case studies on regional integration within Latin America, Africa, Asia, North America and Europe. In Part III the authors investigate the links between the EU and selected other regional organisations and processes, exploring the dynamics through which these interregional relations are developing and the implications they have for the study of contemporary regionalism/regionalisation both inside and beyond the continent of Europe. The conclusions set out a challenging research agenda for comparative studies in the field.Addressing one of the under-explored aspects of EU studies, the EU's coexistence with other pan-continental/regional organisations in the European continent, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of regionalism, IPE, European Studies and international politics.