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This fourth volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay during his first year as Secretary of State in the cabinet of President John Quincy Adams.Within a month after taking office, Henry Clay described the Department of State as'no bed of roses.'Even though routine papers bearing his signature have been omitted by the editors, the 950 pages of documents included in this volume show that many duties filled Clay's days and nights. The evidence in autograph drafts and the meagerness of revision in the official documents indicate the need for major reconsideration of Clay's role in United States foreign relations during the presidency of John Quincy Adams.The range of issues emerging in these papers is broad, and the duties were obviously more than the limited staff of the Department of State could satisfactorily perform. But if, as a result, the United States suffered a major diplomatic defeat during the British revision of trade regulations, Clay's instructions to the Panama mission marked him as a statesman of world stature.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Henry Clay's career spanned a half century of a great formative period in American history. The Papers of Henry Clay span the crucial first half of the nineteenth century in American history. Few men in his time were so intimately concerned with the formation of national policy, and few influenced so profoundly the growth of American political institutions.This compilation of ten volumes includes Clay's letters, letters to Clay, his speeches, and other documents identified as his personal composition. Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

This third volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay from the Second Session of the Sixteenth Congress, where he engineered the second Missouri Compromise, to the presidential election of 1824, when he found himself eliminated as a candidate.Upon his return from Congress in 1821, Clay practiced law and interested himself in Transylvania University, among other things. Elected again to the House of Representatives and to the Speakership in the Eighteenth Congress, Clay resumed his leadership in national affairs; his concerns at this period were principally with the Monroe Doctrine, the Spanish and Greek revolutions, and internal improvements and the tariff.A continuing thread in the volume is the presidential campaign of 1824. Clay's correspondence illustrates the changes in political techniques brought about by the emergence of the Jacksonian type of campaign. Sectionalism, already revealed as a danger to the Union, continued as an important issue. Clay's optimistic anticipation of his election of course proved incorrect, and the volume ends with Clay in the powerful but uncomfortable position of being able, by throwing his support to one of three candidates before the House of Representatives, to choose the next President of the United States.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

This paper explains how the World Bank carries out its most characteristic activity: the identification, preparation, appraisal, and supervision of projects for economic development. The paper highlights that project lending is intended to ensure that the World Bank funds are invested in sound, productive projects with the purpose of contributing both to the borrowing country's capacity to repay and to the development of its economy. It is in the coincidence of these two purposes that the Bank's functions as an international financial institution merge with those that it has increasingly assumed as a development institution.

The restiveness among some members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as to its structure and functions was an indication not of the failure of NATO, but of a need for a new adjustment to the changes that had developed in world conditions since the organization was established. Such was the consensus underlying the comments of five eminent statesmen and political theorists in a series of lectures delivered at the University of Texas in the spring of 1966 on the general theme of “The United States and the Atlantic Community: Issues and Prospects.” The grave crisis of confidence in the Atlantic Community resulted, ironically, from the success of NATO in combining the resources of thirteen European states with those of Canada and the United States in a common achievement of peace, economic stability, and security in the face of the postwar threat from the Soviet Union. Now that these objectives are obtained, one argument ran, NATO is no longer needed. The Soviet threat still exists, went another, and seems to be dispelled only because of the presence of NATO; what is needed is revision of policies and functions of the organization to fit new conditions. The changes in the nature of international relations in the two decades after World War II were of two kinds: those inherent in the world international situation—the economic recovery of Europe (which brought new urgency to the desire for more independence from the United States), the disintegration of European colonial empires, the softened aspect of the Soviet threat, and the great advances in modern technology; and those that depended upon policy decisions—whether Europe should be a confederacy (as advocated by De Gaulle) or a federal union (as advocated by Jean Monnet) and what should be the international policy of a united Europe on such issues as a third force between the United States and Russia, unified or separate approaches to the East and the West, German unity, and military security. A consideration of what these changes implied for the United States was the purpose of the series of papers collected in this volume. The names of the authors and the titles of their papers indicate the variety of views and interests expressed and the scope of the discussion: Henry A. Kissinger, Professor of Government at Harvard, “NATO: Evolution or Decline” André Philip, Professor of Economics at the Sorbonne, “The Atlantic Economy: Partners and Rivals” Hans Speier, member of the RAND Corporation Council, “Germany: The Continuing Challenge” Fritz Erler, a leader of the German Social Democratic Party, “Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union” John J. Mccloy, former World Bank president and former U.S. military governor and high commissioner for Germany, “American Interests and Europe's Future.”

First published in 1966. This volume represents a selection by the Editors of unpublished and published documents dealing with foreign affairs, from the rise of the Younger Pitt (1792) to the death of Salisbury (1902). It contains both official papers and private letters; speeches and other public statements of policy.

Contains two detailed case studies. In “The Fu-t'ien Incident, December 1930,” Ronald Suleski describes the pivotal incident in the power struggle between Mao Zedong and the Communist Central Committee. Daniel Bays's study of “Agrarian Reform in Kwangtung, 1950–1953” focuses upon the measures taken by the Chinese Communist Party to control and eventually collectivize rural elites in Kwangtung province.

The essays presented here arose from a strong feeling that it is very important at the present moment to stimulate thought in Canada on our position in the developing world economy. The authors have been concerned about the inward-looking emphasis in recent Canadian discussions of policy and are asking if a'status quo'approach to commerce is desirable or possible at a time when other nations are endeavouring to strengthen their economies by new adventures in liberal trade, especially in the form of regional trade groups. Peace, prosperity, and national identity are among our most cherished social objectives: how do and should they influence policy in the area of international trade? With this shared background of interest the three authors examine trading of the past and the present. H. Scott Gordon (Carleton University) surveys the nineteenth century, Harry G. Johnson (University of Chicago) describes the emergence of regional free trade areas, and Arthur J.R.Smith (Canadian-American Committee) discusses Canada's policy problems in the rapidly changing trading world. The essays were originally prepared as lectures in a highly successful series given at Carleton University earlier in 1961. H.E. English, editor of the collection, also contributes an introduction and a report of the discussion of the papers. He is Associate Professor of Economics, Carleton University.

This book presents the first authoritative and comprehensive account of the development of the Peruvian revolution of 1968. The study resulted from a team experiment in applied political science, economics, and sociology that maintained effective communications between Peru and the United States at many levels during the difficult years following the revolution. Each chapter is the result of continuous interaction between a leading authority and the major sectors of both societies. History is here presented in its diplomatic, social, economic, and cultural context. The Peruvian and U.S. governments helped to define the subjects of greatest interest to their respective countries, and a systematic effort was made to find the leading authorities on each issue. Since one purpose of this volume is to affect policy by identifying new alternative policies, the papers included here were prepared specifically to be of value to policy makers. This book was produced by a citizens'constituency on U.S. foreign policy under the auspices of the Adlai Stevenson Institute of International Affairs, the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, and the Johnson Foundation.

China's efforts to stimulate industrial development and economic growth through the allocation of investments are analyzed. Cheng concludes with an overall assessment of the distinctive features of the allocation pattern. Includes 41 statistical tables.

Economic development in mainland China during the first two decades of Communist control provides a typical example for the difficult task to transform a vast underdeveloped agrarian economy into a modern industrial one. In the first half of this period, a series of massive transformations of social and economic institutions was accompanied by a drafted industrialization program; the result was an impressive speed-up in economic growth. The second decade witnessed an economic crisis (1960–62) and a political upheaval (1966–68). These disruptions marred the economic performance over the period as a whole. Consequently, the long-term growth rate appears to have been only moderate. The Economy of Communist China reviews selected aspects of the economy. After examining the development strategy, it analyzes the quantitative trends and the structural changes. The book goes on to analyze the key factors contributing to the earlier growth and the elements responsible for the later disruption and finally assesses the impact of the Cultural Revolution on the Chinese economy and the prospects of the current Third Five-Year Plan. The text includes a bibliography of selected materials on Chinese economic development.

Canadian Annual Review is the work most frequently consulted by librarians, public speakers, businessmen, economists, political experts, news analysts, historians, and political scientists. To anyone who is required to deliver an address, to write a paper, to make a submission, or to erview the development of one of the phases of Canadian life with which it deals, this volume will prove of inestimable value.The Review contains reports by well-known contributors on events of the year in Parliament and politics (with essays on each of the provinces), external affairs and defense, the national economy, and Canadian life and leisure activities.

Canadian Annual Review is the work most frequently consulted by librarians, public speakers, businessmen, economists, political experts, news analysts, historians, and political scientists. To anyone who is required to deliver an address, to write a paper, to make a submission, or to erview the development of one of the phases of Canadian life with which it deals, this volume will prove of inestimable value.The Review contains reports by well-known contributors on events of the year in Parliament and politics (with essays on each of the provinces), external affairs and defense, the national economy, and Canadian life and leisure activities.

Canadian Annual Review is the work most frequently consulted by librarians, public speakers, businessmen, economists, political experts, news analysts, historians, and political scientists. To anyone who is required to deliver an address, to write a paper, to make a submission, or to erview the development of one of the phases of Canadian life with which it deals, this volume will prove of inestimable value.The Review contains reports by well-known contributors on events of the year in Parliament and politics (with essays on each of the provinces), external affairs and defense, the national economy, and Canadian life and leisure activities.

When William Lyon Mackenzie King retired in 1948, he had held office as Prime Minister of Canada for a total of 7829 days, a longer term of service than that of any other Prime Minister in the history of the British Commonwealth. Like Roosevelt, his contemporary of many momentous years, he was greatly admired and greatly hated, but none dispute the tremendous influence he exerted on the history of his country, or, indeed, his place in world history. In this official biography, great days of Canadian history are given life and meaning, and at the centre of all the events is a phenomenal personality gifted with intelligence, intrepidity, and luck, with amazing insight into his times and the nature of his political occupation.The biography, based largely on sources hitherto unavailable, permits the reader to witness the unfolding of important events as a chief participant himself saw them and to view far-reaching decisions through the eyes of the man who made them, for Mackenzie King speaks in his own words through much of these volumes. They allow us to observe an extraordinarily complex and powerful personality at work.In this first volume, Mackenzie King's life and political career are traced up to the firm establishment of his first administration as Prime Minister. The forces in his background, education, and early interests which eventually led him into politics are brought out vividly. It is both fascinating and touching, for instance, to observe in letters and personal papers the intimate family relationships which so largely determined what Mackenzie King became. Once public service had been chosen, he displayed such talents that a leading role seemed almost inevitable to all who knew him. As the story unfolds, we watch the drama of achievements in the Civil Service, as Minister of Labour, and as head of Rockefeller Foundation's Department of Industrial Relations. Mackenzie King's connections with labour matters in Canada and the United States are especially revealing. They show the genuine humanitarian concern which he retained over the years combined with the political skills of a remarkably effective conciliator; here in small compass he is seen developing the superb sense of timing which was his most noteworthy characteristic as party leader and Prime Minister. A high point in this volume comes when the Liberal Party in 1919 chooses the young pupil of Laurier to lead it out of its divisions and defeats of the war period, and the story gather steady momentum as King takes the measure of the new Progressive Party, wins the election of 1921, discovers the intricacies of forming a Cabinet for diverse nation, and then proceeds to such events as the Chanak crisis and the Imperial Conference of 1923 to demonstrate to the world Canada's new confidence that she should determine her own international role: “The Imperial Conference of 1923 gave Mackenzie King one of the great personal triumphs of his career. This Conference was the decisive one in Empire relations; the turning point where the Empire reversed its tendency of the war and post-war period and moved towards a more stable condition based on the nationalism and dependence of the Dominions … At the final session of the Conference, it was reported, Smuts turned to King and remarked: ‘You ought to be satisfied. Canada has had her way in everything.'It was a remarkable tribute to a remarkable performance.”

The Soviet Secret Police (1957) depicts the main aspects of the development, structure and functions of the secret police of the Soviet Union. Much of the information contained within comes from the personal testimony of Soviet citizens who had experienced various activities of the secret police, and forms a full and objective study of the secret police and its role in the Soviet system.

The Soviet Far East (1957) examines the Soviet economic and political development of the Russian Far East between Lake Baikal and the Pacific, as it gained importance as the geographic base of Soviet power in the Far Eastern theatre of international politics and strategy.

First published in 1973 Questions of Censorship offers a lively yet scholarly account of the forces that have exercised censorship down the ages. Unlike most other works on this theme, which have been confined to media, legislation, or countries, this book essays a broader theme, viewing censorship within the total context- psychological, sociological, and political. Although attention is focused mainly on censorship in Britain, this is set in perspective by comparative accounts of the situation in the United States, France, and the Soviet Union. This book will be a valuable reference work for students of media studies, political studies, and for general readers.

This book, first published in 1960, analyses Communism as an aggressive and revolutionary movement. It examines the factors which produce a successful Communist revolution, and which elements the Communists themselves contribute to the revolution. It also looks at the post-Stalin changes to Soviet politics, the events in Hungary in 1956, and the development of Communist influence in Middle Eastern and Latin American spheres.

This book, first published in 1935, examines the lives of seven revolutionary women: Charlotte Corday, Théroigne de Méricourt, Flora Tristan, Louise Michel, Vera Figner, Emma Goldman and Rosa Luxemburg. The revolutionary impulses of these remarkable women emerge as the natural result of the historical associations of their age, but the author concludes that some sacrifices were made in vain because there was no strong revolutionary movement behind them. This book is a key analysis of the reasons behind the revolt of these women against their systems of society, and why some of them thought it worth while to die if necessary for the principles in which they believed.

This book, first published in 1960, is an analysis of the turbulent and revolutionary world politics of the 15 years following the Second World War. It examines the main themes of revolutionary forces, totalitarianism and imperialism, including, in detail, the social questions that lie behind them.

This book, first published in 1973, examines the period when wars, famines and epidemics bred widespread conflicts, culminating in the revolutionary years of 1378–82 with the Florentine ‘Ciompi', revolts in Flanders and France and the risings among English labourers. The analysis ends with the Hussite crisis which gave the movement a new aspect. The troubles were varied, with hunger riots in cities and brigandage in the country, open struggles between lords and peasants, urban conflicts over municipal power, and labour conflicts over pay and hours.

This book, first published in 1973, examines seven revolutionary armies ranging from Cromwell's New Model Army to the Red Army of Mao Zedong. In each case it examines the mobilisation and organisation of the army, and the need to balance political ideals and aspirations with military cohesion and discipline, and social stability. This book is an outstanding example of a study of the relationship between the military and society, and shows that no revolution can succeed without an organised army and that few such armies can tolerate for long the ideology that created them.

First published in 1958, The Foundations of Political Theory strives to answer essential questions of politics by studying its foundations. In this book, Mr. Greaves treats the state as only one among several associations whose function is to promote entirely human ends. He tries to reinterpret such ideas as ‘self-realization'and the ‘good life'in ways acceptable to students of contemporary philosophy, who reject the theological and metaphysical doctrines these ideas have been tied to in the past. He insists that men get their moral standards and their ideas about what makes life worth living by reflecting on their experience; that there are no ultimate and self-evident moral principles. While admitting that moral standards are subjective in the sense that we cannot explain how men come to have them except by showing how they serve their needs, he refuses to allow that rational argument about them is therefore impossible. Since men are rational, since they have purposes and ideals and not merely desires, and since they know that to realize these purposes they must live with others, there are moral standards acceptable to all men when their function is understood.

Originally published in the UK in 1956, this book presents the essence of the political philosophy of one of Europe's best-known post-war statesmen, as well as his experience in government as head of Germany in one of its most critical periods of history. The role of Germany in a (then) new Europe is discussed, along with its rearmament, its greatly restored economic power and its relation to NATO. Germany's Chancellor gives his views on the world struggle, the cold war, Germany and America, Germany and Israel and the difficulties and responsibilities of the alliance of free nations.

Originally published in 1968, this book set out to give a brief but complete account of the French Parliament as it had worked in practice since the advent of President de Gaulle. A number of different aspects are discussed, from the social background of the members to the debates on five sample bills, and from the strategy of pressure groups to the organisation and character of the Gaullist party (about which very little had been written). While the legal framework within which the new parliament works is comprehensively described, attention is mainly focused on a political situation transformed by the end of the Algerian war and by the speed of social change in France itself at the time.Earlier books on the Fifth Republic naturally concentrated heavily on the spectacular crises of its early years and on the exceptional personality of its president. Remarkably little, therefore, had been written on the recent development of its institutions and politics in the peacetime conditions which France had enjoyed since 1962 for the first time for over twenty years.There was a Gaullist myth that the new regime had reformed the system and, against the obstructive opposition of an Opposition which had learned nothing and forgotten nothing, had won the support of the French people for a strong democratic government on British lines. There was a corresponding Opposition myth that a ruler and party of authoritarian temper had consolidated their power by reducing parliamentary criticism to an impotent farce. Neither interpretation was wholly unfounded; neither does justice to the complex reality which this work tries to explain as fairly as possible.

Development schemes are common throughout the third world. Many fail, but the reasons for failure or success are only too often not adequately studied. In this monograph two schemes started in Basutoland - now Lesotho - are intensively analysed and compared: the first, which was abandoned in 1961, primarily by means of documentary material; the second, which was and still is successful in at least part of the area, mainly through observation and field research. The analysis reveals the factors making for success or failure, particularly in the fields of politics, economics, and communication. The relevance of the study extends beyond Lesotho and even Africa, the analysis dealing with problems common to introduced social change and development in any part of the world.

Initially published in 1940, the following account is based upon a five weeks field survey carried out during the summer of 1938 in Iraq. The author intended to follow this up with an intensive study of one locality over a period of twelve months. Political developments in Europe made this project impracticable at the time and the scheme was abandoned.

The main body of the book is concerned with the theme that empirical political behaviour among the Kachin is a compromise response to the polarised political doctrines of gumsa and gumlao.. Nearly one-third of this book consists of Chapter V entitiled'The Structural Categories of Kachin Gumsa Society'. It is concerned with the interpretation of a series of verbal concepts and their interconnections. This long chapter is placed between a relatively short account of a particular Kachin community directly observed (Chapter IV) and a series of chapters (VI, VII, VIII) containing secondhand ethnographic and historical evidence.

First published in 1934, Preface to Action was written to provoke thought on society and its structure and to enable readers to make a considered judgement at election, particularly those with less time to make their decision. The book discusses the conflict between wanting to make an informed political decision, and not having the time or all the information to do so. In light of this, Catlin brings together what he considers useful points to help guide readers towards a decision. He outlines his personal opinions and explains his reasons for them. Divided into three parts, the book first explores psychology and considers what institutional forms would best satisfy what he identifies as the major human instincts or impulses. The second part considers the community, whether it is state or nation, and what the best form of it is. The third part is a detailed exploration of the religions of Catholicism, Toryism, Fascism, and Communism. Preface to Action will be of great appeal to those with an interest in twentieth century British and European history, the history of politics, the history of political thought, and political psychology.

Using authoritative extracts from the relevant and important sources at the time, this volume, originally published in 1972, deals with the problems and difficulties of maintaining peace in the world. The control of the use of force remains the most intractable, and yet the most important, problem in international relations. Although the antagonists change, antagonism appears to be almost an inherent feature of inter-state relations and although global conflict has been avoided for the past quarter of a century, the risk is always present. The cost of such anarchy in international relations, measured in terms of human suffering and wastage of resources, is appalling.In this book, Dr Bowett looks at the need for peaceful settlement of international disputes, the peacekeeping role of the United Nations, aid to developing countries and disarmament, and suggests that the structure of international society based on the Sovereign State could be modified to lessen the risk of conflict. The extracts include statements by Khrushchev, Mao Tse-Tung, Che Guevara, Dag Hammarskjöld, U Thant, Ho Chi-Minh, and selections from many national and international documents.

The Alliance for Progress was a program intended to stimulate and aid the economic development of the peoples of Latin America. It proposed that the United States and nineteen Latin American republics pool financial and technical resources to aid the peoples of all these republics in achieving better living standards, greater human dignity, and increased political freedom. Although achievement of these goals depended partially upon the availability of external assistance, it depended even more upon the ability and willingness of the Latin Americans themselves to make numerous far-reaching institutional reforms within their countries. One of the most important needs was in the area of tax reform, which had been made a quid pro quo for the twenty billion dollars promised by the United States through the program. This limitation upon the use of United States funds made obvious the need for a means of evaluating the adequacy of Latin American tax-reform efforts. In this study Raynard M. Sommerfeld presents an examination of this problem and recommends basic criteria for such evaluation. The study reviews the objectives of the Alliance for Progress, investigates the prevailing tax systems in the Latin American republics, and offers recommendations for tax-reform efforts to harmonize tax policy with the economic development goals stipulated in the Charter of Punta del Este. The author emphasizes and reiterates the fact that thorough studies of the individual countries are necessary for the planning of truly adequate tax reform. He offers the facts developed in his study as interim tools for United States Alliance for Progress agencies in evaluating Latin American tax-reform efforts, for Latin American planners seeking to guide their countries most easily on the road to economic maturity, and for all scholars, teachers, and students interested in the fields of Latin American economics, taxation, and political history.

Central to the research that went into the preparation of this monograph is the relationship between economic development and equality. To determine and characterize that relationship Morris Singer focuses on the various components of equality at different stages of development. The author particularly explores the behavior of income distribution, together with its bearing on the components of aggregate demand. Mexico provided an excellent case to examine in depth because of its impressive growth and the fact that it experienced Latin America's first successful twentieth-century revolution. Although the Revolution of 1910 hastened social equality and introduced other changes that stimulated Mexico's economic growth, it could not prevent a serious increase in the inequality of income distribution. By the early 1960s the government found it necessary to rectify this increasing imbalance through a program of expenditures designed to counteract widespread poverty and weak aggregate demand. To ward off inflation, this program in turn could be implemented only by tax reform. In discussing the relationship between development and equality in its various dimensions, noneconomic as well as economic, this monograph points out that, at the time of this study, government policies in Mexico were dictated by an elite concerned primarily with the country's economic advancement. Singer concludes that if programs of government expenditure and tax reform succeed in remedying the inequalities of income distribution, this could gradually make possible the development of a more genuine political as well as economic democracy. This book reflects Singer's interest in the relationship between equality and development. It is the result of five months of intensive in-residence study in Mexico, financed in part by a grant from the Social Science Research Council.

A massive land-seizure movement first erupted in Peru in 1958 and spread across the Andean highlands in 1963–1964. Several hundred peasant communities in the Peruvian Andes occupied neighboring haciendas in an attempt to retake lands they felt had been stolen from them over the years. Hacienda peasants also participated in this movement, forming peasant sindicatos (unions) to improve their labor conditions. The land-seizure movement brought with it an upsurge in community political mobilization. Throughout the highlands, village leaders banded together in regional federations, often allying themselves with progressive or radical urban groups. Radical activists from labor unions and university student groups joined with indigenous peasant leaders, breaking down the highland peasantry's traditional isolation from the political system. Struggle in the Andes is an analysis of the causes and consequences of extensive social and political mobilization among Peru's peasant population in the 1960s. In addition to describing the growth of the peasant land movement, Howard Handelman investigates the social and economic conditions that contributed to rural unrest. Using data that he collected in forty-one diverse highland communities, Handelman examines the correlates of peasant political activity, concluding that land seizures in the traditional southern sierra had different origins and political implications than did unrest in the more socioeconomically modernized central highlands. The data suggest a model of peasant mobilization that calls into question prevailing scholarly hypotheses on the relationships between modernization, peasant political mobilization, and radicalization. Handelman discusses the land-reform program and the accompanying rural mobilization that was being implemented by Peru's reformist military regime. Using his model of peasant mobilization, he speculates on the possible effects of the government's contemporary programs on future peasant political behavior.

In the 1930s, during the authoritarian government of Getúlio Vargas, the Brazilian civil service reform movement began. Thirty-five years later, the actual administrative practices of the country did not adequately reflect the philosophy underlying this movement, a philosophy drawn from the reform experience and public administration theories of the United States and Western Europe. This book examines why these ideas, when transplanted to another cultural setting, did not take root and, further, why they unexpectedly proved to be most applicable in Brazil during periods of autocratic rule. These questions are highly relevant not only to Brazil, but equally to other developing countries struggling to create more effective national administrative systems. For this reason, and in order to evaluate the Brazilian reform experience within its total context (social, economic, and political), Lawrence S. Graham develops a broad conceptual framework. His focus is on the years between 1945 and 1964, a period which allowed a relatively free play of political forces but, ironically, produced a diminution in the success of the reform efforts when compared with the authoritarian governments which preceded and followed it. After a comparative consideration of the public administration theories behind the reform movement, Graham examines this period in terms of the political environment, the functions of political patronage, and the influences of a nascent national party. Finally, he juxtaposes the conditions and course of the Brazilian reform experience with those of the United States and Great Britain. Graham's study of the Brazilian example, which does not pass judgment on the prevailing public personnel system, reveals the importance of understanding the total cultural context within which administrative principles are put into practice. Such an approach, wider than generally held in the field of public administration, may prove to be the most vital factor in the future of the civil service in Brazil and several other countries facing the same problems.

Here is the first attempt by scholars to make a comprehensive analysis of voting patterns in Texas. Examining the results of fourteen elections from 1946 through 1962 and organizing a vast fund of statistics relative to Texas political parties and voters, the authors have laid a solid groundwork for further studies in this field. The previously ineffectual Texas Republican Party made great strides in the twentieth century and became a competitor in state as well as national races. Specifically, the authors maintain that Texas in the 1960s was a “one and two-thirds party state.” Within the Democratic Party, factions analogous to warring camps immensely complicated the political struggle. Although the conservative elements within the Democratic Party still had a slight edge, growing liberal strength forced them to moderate their policies and tactics. The authors also contend that there were significant changes in the nature of the issues and the modes of political operation. Though some of the old motivations and tactics lingered on in less significant rural areas, friendship-oriented campaigns appealing to regional and family-like sentiments were being quickly replaced by an organized politics in which political activists made strong ideological appeals to economic and social interests. The Republicans, the conservative Democrats, and the liberal Democrats are each analyzed in relation to regionalism, demography, ethnic elements, and the economic system in Texas; and the history, present status, and future prospects of these factions are discussed in detail. Of special interest are the last two chapters, which analyze the 1962 elections and their bearings on evolving patterns of competition. The developments within the Republican Party and its challenge to the traditional Democratic Party are seen in the perspectives of the growing importance of minority groups and the impact of urbanization. All those interested in Texas politics and the history of the rise of the Republican Party in the state will find this study indispensable for an intelligent appraisal of historical developments.

'... of interest and value to all serious students of international politics, and indeed of human affairs generally.'—The American Political Science ReviewOriginally published in 1965.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Why would a nation, in the midst of a vicious and unrestricted war, hesitate to employ a weapon guaranteed to inflict massive casualties on the enemy? Major Frederic Brown offers here the first critical analysis of this curious World War II phenomenon. He investigates the nature of restraints-political, military, economic, and psychological-operative in varying degrees between 1919 and 1945, when U.S. chemical warfare policy was being formed. Starting with the experiences of toxic agent use during World War I, Major Brown shows how various restraints to gas warfare developed during the inter-war years. He then discusses the World War II experience. In the conclusion Major Brown relates his findings to contemporary conflicts and offers important implications for the future of the cold war.Originally published in 1968.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

An analysis of the Irish policy of the Conservative Unionists.Originally published in 1963.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

On Record provides descriptive accounts of record keeping in a variety of important organizations: schools, from elementary to graduate school; consumer credit agencies, general business organizations, and life insurance companies; the military and security agencies; the Census Bureau and the Social Security Administration; public welfare agencies, juvenile courts, and mental hospitals. It also examines the legal status of records. The authors pose questions such as the following: Who determines what records are kept? Who has access to the records?

Evaluates a technological approach to social change which seeks to cure society's ills by dealing with its symptoms, rather than root causes. It examines four such technological shortcuts in terms of their relevance to specific social problems: methadone in controlling heroin addiction; antabuse in treating alcoholism; the breath analyzer in highway safety; and gun control in reducing crime. The authors seek solutions which do not require large amounts of new resources or planning, and will accelerate the pace of social change. They indicate that technological handling of such problems may be the answer.

This absorbing appraisal of colonial South Carolina political history is developed in three parts: The Age of the Goose Creek Men,'covering 1670-1712;'Breakdown and Recovery--in which the central dispute was over local currency--1712-43; and'The Rise of the Commons House of Assembly, 1743-63.'Originally published in 1966.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

The vital issue facing urban America during the 1960's—the downward spiral of poverty, deterioration, and exploitation in poor neighborhoods—was attacked by The Woodlawn Organization (TWO) in Chicago. John Hall Fish, an active participant in TWO, tells the story of one of the most exciting, controversial, and significant experiments in community control.Founded in 1961 by a group of clergymen, with tactical advice from Saul Alinsky, TWO grew to become the major force for community development and self-government in the Woodlawn area. The author traces TWO's history as it struggled to achieve significant community control over the problems that threatened the black inner-city community. He concentrates on three controversial programs: the Youth Project (involving the Blackstone Rangers), the Woodlawn Experimental Schools project, and the Model Cities program. Although TWO ultimately failed to overcome the entrenched opposition of city agencies, its very survival, the author argues, is a measure of its success. For as the cumbersome urban bureaucracies prove ever more ineffective, it is the existence of organized and experienced community organizations that will determine the possibility of neighborhood rebirth and renewal.Originally published in 1973.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Although Conservative parties did not exist in Germany until after the Napoleonic Wars, there did emerge, around 1770, traceable organized political activity and intellectual currents of a clearly Conservative character. The author argues that this movement developed as a response to the challenge of the Enlightenment in the fields of religion, socioeconomic affairs, and politics- and that this response antedated the impact of the French Revolution. Believing that Conservatism cannot be treated properly as a specialized phenomenon, or simply as an intellectual movement, Professor Epstein correlates it with the political and social forces of the time.Originally published in 1966.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.