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The French philosophe Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu (1689-1755) was a political and social thinker of enormous depth, range, originality, and influence. The essays by eminent scholars reprinted in this volume explore significant aspects of his contributions to political, constitutional, and religious thought during the epoch of the French Enlightenment. Topics highlighted include his Persian Letters (1721), his history of Rome (1734), and the views he expressed in The Spirit of Laws (1748) on natural law, forms of government, English constitutionalism, religion, commerce, international relations, and the philosophy of history. Supplemented by a detailed introduction that contextualizes the papers selected for this volume, as well as an extensive bibliography, this work serves as an authoritative reference to the best scholarship on Montesquieu's political thought. The volume is edited and introduced by David W. Carrithers, Adolph Ochs Professor of Government at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga and author of numerous publications on Montesquieu.

Crime does not pay, and politics by assassination pays even less. That is perhaps the one sharp lesson which stands out from the trial of U Saw and his men for the murder of Bogyoke Aung San and his colleagues. The trial is a historie one, and the murders undoubtedly altered the course of Burma's modem history. I present the judgement of the Special Tribunal in full and the story of the assassinations for the record, in the hope that they will serve historians and our peoples in Burma in several ways. Mr. ]ustice Mya Thein of the High Court gave me the records which he compiled of the trial while serving on the prosecution. That was a few years ago, and I have, since then, wanted to edit and publish a book of the trial. Dr. Myint Thein, Chief ]ustice of the Union, also gave his file of the records to the Defence Services Historical Research Institute, and I was able to check and compare the papers. To both I owe and sincerely acknow­ ledge thanks. I am also grateful to Mr. ]ustice Aung Tha Gyaw of the Supreme Court who answered my questions with kindness and courtesy, and to U Kyaw Soe, Director of Information, and his staff, who dug up the pictures which are published in this book.

Herbert Rowen has always insisted that historians don't need biographers. Outside'a small circle of family, friends and students,'what matters most is not the individual but his or her work.'Thus the main purpose of the present volume is to highlight Professor Rowen's contributions to the political history of early modem Europe. Part I includes assessment of his work by others, while Parts ll-V contain examples of his best articles, papers, and reviews, some published here for the first time, most previously hard-to-get. These essays not only add substantively to our understanding of early modem politics, but treat both implicitly and explicitly the historian's task per se. Hence, this is not biography, much less'innocuous laudation'or hagiography, which Herb would not forgive. Yet it is only fitting that someone who lays so much stress on the human side of History should by way of introduction have something said about his person as well as his work.

In January 1948, Alessandro Levi, a distinguished scholar in the fields of law, philosophy and political theory, published an article entitled'The'return'of Carlo Cattaneo.'1 Levi, himself the author of an im­ portant work on Cattaneo, 2 reported on several initiatives which had been taken by Italian scholars since 1945 to rescue the Lombard writer and politician from relative obscurity. With some financial assistance from the City of Milan, a committee of Italian and Swiss scholars had been formed in the spring of 1946 to publish Cattaneo's works, which until then had only appeared in fragmentary and uncritical 3 editions. LeMonnier of Florence had agreed to publish the new edi­ tion. Meanwhile, the Lombard historian Rinaldo Caddeo was preparing with considerable pains an edition of several volumes of Cattaneo's correspondence. In addition, a catalog of materials pertaining to Cat­ taneo and found among the Crispi papers was being prepared at the State Archives in Palermo. A brief biography had appeared in 1945 and other works by historians, political scientists, and journalists were 4 in progress. These initiatives seemed long overdue, in view of the fact that Cattaneo's contemporaries had considered him a leading figure in the liberal-democratic current of the Risorgimento. As Levi acknowledged in his article, however, these efforts to rescue Cattaneo's work from obscurity were something more than a belated tribute to an important participant in the history of nineteenth century Italy.

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This book examines Harold Laski's relationship to Marxism. Laski was a reluctant Marxist; he had been a pluralist, democratic socialist who wanted to reach a better society by means of parliamentary, constitutional and associational channels. In fact, he never abandoned these early aspirations. In the 1930s and 1940s he wove them into a distinctive Marxist position as he gradually came to believe that there was no answer to Marxist philosophy on history, social change and the prospects for socialism. It is the incorporation of his earlier political thought into his later work that makes his Marxism so fascinating and his work raises important questions. Harold Laski's Marxism aims to bring a relatively forgotten political theorist back into the spotlight. Peter Lamb provides an overview to Laski's political thought in the 20th century and explores his connections to essential foundations of Marxist thought. He ends with a discussion of ways in which Laski's Marxism is of lasting significance and can contribute to more recent Marxist and neo-Marxist debates.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

This book is a pioneering multi-disciplinary analytical study of Caribbean political corruption grounded in Caribbean epistemology, challenging universalist perceptions generated outside the region which take no account of historical and cultural elativity. In tracing the history and development of Caribbean political systems and corruption, it collates and synthesizes existing data, indispensable to current and future research. Rigorous analysis of international corruption measurement tools demonstrates deficiencies and limited validity for small island states in the Caribbean and worldwide. Highly detailed case studies and fieldwork research investigating perceptions of corruption and democratic capacity present invaluable new empirical data and offer insights into remodelling corruption analysis. With its wide cross-disciplinary appeal, this book makes significant and timely contributions to decolonial studies and an emerging decolonization discourse in the Caribbean.

Hegel and Schelling in Early Nineteenth-Century France is a two-volume work that documents the French reception of G. W. F. Hegel and F. W. J. Schelling from 1801 to 1848. It shows that the story of the'French Hegel'didn't begin with Wahl and Kojève by giving readers a solid understanding of the various ways in which German Idealism impacted nineteenth-century French philosophy, as well as providing the first ever English-language translations of excerpts from the most important philosophical texts of the era. Inside volume two, readers will find a series of scholarly studies to help them get to grips with this neglected field in the history of ideas. The contributors are world-leading and emerging experts from Europe, UK, and North America. They highlight the stakes and trace the pathways of this reception for French and German thought during the period, including the ways in which French philosophers of the period took up the debates and concepts of German Idealism,transformed them or rejected them. In this way, the volume aims to redress the serious neglect of early nineteenth-century French thought in English-language scholarship and, in so doing, goes beyond a nation-based narrative of the history of philosophy. Figures covered in the volumes include major philosophers such as Cousin, Leroux, Proudhon, Quinet, Ravaisson, Renouvier and Véra, as well more neglected figures, like Barchou de Penhoën, Bénard, Lèbre, Lerminier, Pictet, and Willm.

This book presents research on geographical naming on land and sea from a wide range of standpoints on: theory and concepts, case studies and education. Space and place naming or toponymy has a long tradition in the sciences and a renewed critical interest in geography and allied disciplines including the humanities. Place: location and cartographical aspects, etymology and geo-histories so salient in past studies, are now being enhanced from a range of radical perspectives, especially in a globalizing, standardizing world with Googlization and the consequent ‘normalization'of place names, perceptions and images worldwide including those for marketing purposes. Nonetheless, there are conflicting and contesting voices. The interdisciplinary research is enhanced with authors from regional, national and international toponymy-related institutions and organizations including the UNGEGN, IGU, ICA and so forth.

This book demonstrates that Rousseau offers a distinctive critical voice which is worthy of listening to. Rousseau is shown to target not merely social ‘injustices', but the very dynamics central to the ‘form of life'itself. As such we are able to contemplate, and engage in, a more foundational form of social critique. We contend that by returning to Rousseau, both as a theorist in his own right, and as an interlocutor with the contemporary literature within radical political and social philosophy, we can see both the circumscribed nature of contemporary discussion, and the true importance of Rousseau's thought. In summary, Rousseau remains a figure of vital importance across disciplines and it is high time for an edited volume which connects insights centring his thought and impact today.

The volume approaches the relations between China and the Catholic Church in a quite comprehensive and unprejudiced way. Its approach is new since it clarifies the root of the persistent antagonism of both the imperial and republican Chinese Authorities toward the Catholic Church: no matter how the Catholic approach has been, they kept their Sino-centric attitude. It also points out the lack of a truly objective and complete understanding of China by the Western society, including Catholic missionaries: from a blind admiration to a negative evaluation, determined by contingent circumstances and motivations. It tries to clarify myths and stereotyped understandings, that have been created during the historical process, including the role of the Jesuits and in particular of Fr. Matteo Ricci. It also pays particular attention to the role of the Vatican in the recent religious policy of Chinese Government. The reading of the book could be enlightening especially for academics, university students and Christian clergy interested in the history of Catholic Missions in China.

The book examines how different imperial models of diplomacy, administration, economics, and cultural and religious policies were challenged or, on the contrary, defended during and after the collapse of the Empires that promoted them. It provides an overview from multiple perspectives of the imperial phenomenon in all its dimensions, and the studies published in this volume address broad chronological segments and geographical areas relevant to the imperial idea.

Soll man demonstrieren gehen? Wieviel Macht hat eine Bürgermeisterin? Kann man Journalisten glauben? … Concept Cartoons sind Impulse, um mit Lernenden über fachliche Probleme ins Gespräch zu kommen. Eine Leitfrage reizt dabei zur Stellungnahme. Ähnlich wie in Comics treten in Concept Cartoons verschiedene Personen auf, die in Sprechblasen ihre Sichtweise darlegen. Die Aussagen entsprechen dabei wissenschaftsorientierten Vorstellungen bzw. typischen Schülervorstellungen, wodurch eine Anschlussfähigkeit für eine Bearbeitung geschaffen wird. Methodische Zugänge für die Primar- und Sekundarstufe zur Diagnose, zum Arbeiten mit Vorwissen und zur Weiterentwicklung von Konzepten werden geboten.

Europe is a continent whose history has, in one form or another, long been dominated by integration. And yet the European integration process is often treated as synonymous with the evolution of just one particular, and until recently geographically quite limited, Western-centred organisation: the European Union (EU). This trend obscures the multitude of ways European states have acted collectively on both sides of the Iron Curtain – and continue to do so throughout the continent today. With contributors drawn from history and political science, this book explores some of these diverse integration efforts ‘beyond Brussels'. We shine a light on international organisations, trade frameworks, and various political, social, scientific and cultural forms of unity in both Eastern and Western Europe. In so doing, the book seeks to redefine the history of the European integration process not only as a less purely EU-centric phenomenon but as a less strictly Western European one too.

This book presents two major texts and selected shorter writings by the social-democratic thinker and politician Eduard Bernstein, translated into English in full for the first time: The German Revolution: A History of the Emergence and First Working Period of the German Republic; How A Revolution Perished; and articles from Vorwärts and other socialist periodicals. Written in the aftermath of the 1918 German Revolution and the end of WWI, they address the overthrow of autocratic rule in Germany, and provide a live chronicle and retrospective assessment of the Weimar Republic's foundation. Bernstein gives a detailed chronology of the German Revolution and its intellectual, economic, and political context, and offers a historical analogy in his account of the 1848 French Revolution, which differs in key respects from that of Karl Marx in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon. Drawing on his own experience of the events he describes, he revisits the socialist debate over ‘reform or revolution'that he himself had provoked at the turn of the 20th century, and consciously seeks to wrest ownership of the Revolution's legacy away from the Spartacist and communist left. In these works, Bernstein exhorts social democrats to rally behind the nascent Republic and resist the siren-calls of its militant opponents on radical left and right, and he engages with themes of party unity, political violence, democracy, and the role of ideology that have echoed through left theory and strategy ever since.

Serious stock-taking is in progress now among practitioners of whathas been called Sovietology, meaning studies of the Union of SovietSocialist Republics. The reason is that the field for the most part hadnot been expecting what happened in 1991: The USSR collapsed andwent out of existence as a unified state system governing a sixth ofthe world's territory, having allowed its East European empire tofree itself from Soviet dominance somewhat earlier.It might be said in defense of Sovietology that, by the beginningof the 1980s, it understood that economic and political crises werebrewing in the Soviet Union and its outer empire. But the field asa whole failed to grasp the full depth of the systemic crisis in SovietRussia and the destructive or self-destructive potentialities inherentin it. As the editors of this valuable volume write in the Introduction:'Sovietology was not prepared for perestroika and postcommunism.'

This book offers new perspectives on the origins and development of John Ruskin's political thought. Graham A. MacDonald traces the influence of late medieval and pre-Enlightenment thought in Ruskin's writing, reintroducing readers to Ruskin's politics as shaped through his engagement with concepts of natural law, legal rights, labour and welfare organization. From Ruskin's youthful studies of geology and chemistry to his back-to-the-land project, the Guild of St. George, he emerges as a complex political thinker, a reformer—and what we would recognize today as an environmentalist. John Ruskin's Politics and Natural Law is a nuanced reappraisal of neglected areas of Ruskin's thought.

Au sommaire de ce numéro : « Lefort lecteur de Machiavel : le travail continué de l'œuvre », « Au-delà du nihilisme : de l'Internationale lettriste à l'Internationale situationniste », « L'Europe des Six ou la naissance d'un régime international dans l'après-guerre (1945-1955), « La Nouvelle Droite et le nazisme. Retour sur un débat » ou encore « Le perfectionnisme social et la critique feuerbachienne du personnalisme chrétien de Friedrich Julius Stahl ».

Few people can claim to have had minds as fertile and creative as the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. One of the most influential political theorists of the modern age, he was also a composer and writer of opera, a novelist, and a memoirist whose Confessions ranks as one of the most striking works of autobiography ever written. Like many creative thinkers, Rousseau was someone whose restless mind could not help questioning accepted orthodoxies and looking at matters from novel and innovative angles. His 1762 treatise The Social Contract does exactly that. Examining the nature and sources of legitimate political power, it crafted a closely reasoned and passionately persuasive argument for democracy at a time when the most widely accepted form of government was absolute monarchy, legitimised by religious beliefs about the divine right of kings and queens to rule. In France, the book was banned by worried Catholic censors; in Rousseau's native Geneva, it was both banned and burned. But history soon pushed Rousseau's ideas into the mainstream of political theory, with the French and American revolutions paving the way for democratic government to gain ground across the Western world. Though it was precisely what got Rousseau's book banned at the time, the novel idea that all legitimate government rests on the will of the people is now recognised as the core principle of democratic freedom and represents, for many people, the highest of ideals.

The Societies of Europe is an 8-title series of historical data handbooks and accompanying CD-ROM sets, on the development of Europe from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. The series is a product of the Mannheim Centre for Social research, a body dedicated to comparative research on Europe and one of the leading social research institutes in the world. It is a collection of datasets giving a clear and systematic study of long term developments in European society. The data is presented statistically and is clearly comparative. The Societies of Europe is the most comprehensive data series available on Western European social issues. Each book is accompanied by a CD-ROM containing data sets not included in the text enabling users to manipulate the data as wanted. Information is available in different programmes (Excel, SPSS and SAS) and in data structures for analysis, viewing and building time series. This comparative data handbook offers an empirical base to a long-term and comparative understanding of changes and variations in European union movements. It provides information on the context and history of union development, the changes in the structure of post-war unionism until today, the long-term trends in union membership and union density, and the shifts in the cross-sectional composition of union membership. This book and CD-ROM are the result of many years of research by the authors in collaboration with an international research team, and provides an original source for comparative and national studies or individual enquiries. The country and comparative tables offer cross-checked and often newly-calculated statistics on national union organizations and their membership series. The CD-ROM includes selected tables from the handbook and provides additional databases with organizational data and membership series of major national and European union organizations.

History and politics are interlinked with unbreakable bonds, as is manifested primarily in the use of historical arguments in political disputes. Regardless of the ideological views represented, time period, and geographical location, politicians consistently and frequently use such arguments with a high degree of effectiveness. Driven by a variety of motives, they use the category of the past, (re)interpret it, and decide what should be remembered and what should be removed from the so-called collective memory. In practice, this means that a properly prepared and delivered narrative of the past can become a powerful instrument in the hands of the ruling class, influencing the social and political reality of the country concerned. Control of the past and its “correct” reconstruction can thus effectively contribute to gaining, boosting, and consolidating power by a political entity. An appropriately shaped awareness of the past thus serves an only ancillary role to politics, satisfying social expectations and ideological visions. Thus, the past, or rather the memory of it, when becoming a topic of interest in the domain of politics, forces the creators of the politics of history to improve the tools and mechanisms they wield to ensure its more efficient use.

This book provides a critical survey of Western political philosophy from a classical liberal perspective, paying particular attention to knowledge problems and the problem of political authority. Its central argument is that the state is a tool for solving a historically changing set of problems, and that, as a tool, the state is frequently deficient on both moral and practical grounds. Government action can be considered as a response to a set of problems, all of which may conceivably be solved in some other manner as well. The book examines in particular the relationship between the state and technology over time. Technological developments may make the state more or less necessary over time, which is a consideration that is relatively new in the history of political philosophy, but increasingly important. The book is organized chronologically and concludes with an essay on trends in the history of political philosophy, as well as its surprisingly bright prospects for future development.

This book is a collection of articles on schools, individuals and topics within the mainstream of the history of economic thought. The principal schools are the Physiocrats and the English Classical Economists. The principal individuals are Francois Quesnay, Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Francis Y. Edgeworth, Friedrich von Wieser, Frank W. Taussig, and William H. Hutt. The principal topics include the economic role of government, power, the psychology of economics, and the early history of macroeconomics.

'This book will rightfully head many a reading list...'C.Allen, British Book News Power in Africa casts a fresh look at contemporary Black African politics. It reviews the merits and failings of existing interpretations of Africa's post-colonial society and offers a new approach to its understanding. It has two main aims. First, to present a comparative conceptual framework which places Africa's politics within its appropriate historical context. Second, to offer an explanation of what is actually happening in Africa - beyond the clichs of a dark continent perennially in crisis.

An innovative and entertaining examination of the theory of nationalism. Derek Heater brings together the seven most influential - for good or evil - European thinkers on nationalism from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Herder, Fichte, Mazzini, Mill, Renan, Hitler and Stalin together debate their ideas in a platonic symposium, using the words from their own works in the central part of the book. The first part of the book introduces each thinker in the appropriate historical context, while the third part considers judgements on their thought.

Siberia has no history of independent political existence, no claim to a separate ethnic identity, and no clear borders. Yet, it could be said that the elusive country'behind the Urals'is the most real and the most durable part of the Russian landscape. For centuries, Siberia has been represented as Russia's alter ego,as the heavenly or infernal antithesis to the perceived complexity or shallowness of Russian life. It has been both the frightening heart of darkness and a fabulous land of plenty; the'House of the Dead'and the realm of utter freedom; a frozen wasteland and a colourful frontier; a dumping ground for Russia's rejects and the last refuge of its lost innocence. The contributors to Between Heaven and Hell examine the origin, nature, and implications of these images from historical, literary, geographical, anthropological, and linguistic perspectives. They create a striking, fascinating picture of this enormous and mysterious land.

Fascinated by the idea of Western civilization as being a sequence of numerous misinterpretations and misrepresentations, these nineteen essays cover a broad range of topics with the unifying theme being the crossroads where politics and the imagination meet. An essay on linguistics and culture discusses the shaping of Latin America's collective identity; Peru's modern history is approached as a bloody battle between enlightenment and darkness; and in critiques of Octavio Paz and Gabriel García Márquez, Stavans reflects on the dichotomy between pen and sword in the Hispanic world. In'Letter to a German Friend', Stavans returns to his fate as a Jew in the Southern Hemisphere, and in'The First Book,'he connects his passion for literature to his initiation into Jewishness. Finally, in a meditation on Columbus's afterlife, he reflects on the many ways in which we reinvent ourselves in order to make sense of the chaotic world that surrounds us.

Socialism, Social Ownership and Social Justice is concerned with the emergence in Europe over the centuries of dreams and aspirations amongst the poor and weak for new societies of justice and equality based on common ownership and common sharing. It ranges from the Greek legendary ideal of a simple communal golden age of equals and the dark reality of Spartan perverted communalism, to the collapse of Soviet communism and the abandonment by West European socialist parties of their commitment to transform ruling-class dominated capitalist societies into democratic, egalitarian socialist societies.

The International Almanac is the only up to date source for the history of election results in the Western world from their origins to the present. It provides clear and authoritative information for 25 different countries, ranging alphabetically from Australia to the USA, and geographically across four continents, including Japan and new Mediterranean democracies as well as old Anglo-American and Scandinavian democracies. Each chapter gives a comprehensive list of all parties that have contested one or more elections, its vote at each election and percentage share of the poll, and the number of seats won in the national assembly. The results have been checked from original sources in more than 15 languages. The new edition of the Almanac brings election results up to date and incorporates fresh materials from historical research, while retaining the features that have made the volume the authoritative book on elections.

Based on British and Iranian sources, this book investigates the background and goals of the coup in Iran, examining how British foreign and domestic agents interfered with Iran's internal affairs between the nationalization of Iran's oil in 1951 until its failure in 1953 with the overthrow of Prime Minister Mossadegh. How and why was Iran's democratically elected government ousted in 1953? Most studies refer to a ‘CIA-led'operation. This study analyses how British agents used the Shah, the ancient Persian Durbar, Majlis deputies, Islamic clergy, and Iranian military officers in the overthrow of the first democratically elected Prime Minister, and highlights how Britain used the ‘Communist menace'as a pretext for protecting its oil interests and persuaded the Americans to orchestrate the coup. This close interaction between British colonial interests, American Cold War goals and Iranian politics ultimately defeated the democratic aspirations of Iran's people.

For the people of early modern England, the dividing line between the natural and supernatural worlds was both negotiable and porous - particularly when it came to issues of authority. Without a precise separation between'science'and'magic'the realm of the supernatural was a contested one, that could be used both to bolster and challenge various forms of authority and the exercise of power in early modern England. In order to better understand these issues, this volume addresses a range of questions regarding the ways in which ideas, beliefs and constructions of the supernatural threatened and conflicted with authority, as well as how the power of the supernatural could be used by authorities (monarchical, religious, legal or familial) to reinforce established social norms. Drawing upon a range of historical, literary and dramatic texts the collection reveals intersecting early modern anxieties in relation to the supernatural, issues of control and the exercise of power at different levels of society, from the upper echelons of power at court to local and domestic spaces, and in a range of publication contexts - manuscript sources, printed prose texts and the early modern stage. Divided into three sections -'Magic at Court','Performance, Text and Language'and'Witchcraft, the Devil and the Body'- the volume offers a broad cultural approach to the subject that reflects current research by a range of early modern scholars from the disciplines of history and literature. By bringing scholars into an interdisciplinary dialogue, the case studies presented here generate fresh insights within and between disciplines and different methodologies and approaches, which are mutually illuminating.

In this important book, Jan Willem Duyvendak and James M. Jasper bring together an internationally acclaimed group of contributors to demonstrate the complexities of the social and political spheres in various areas of public policy. By breaking down the state into the players who really make decisions and pursue coherent strategies, these essays provide new perspectives on the interactions between political protestors and the many parts of the state“from courts, political parties, and legislators to police, armies, and intelligence services. By analyzing politics as the interplay of various players within structured arenas, Breaking Down the State provides an innovative look at law and order versus opposition movements in countries across the globe.

'Este libro es un ejercicio sobre la historia de las ideas contemporáneas. Puede considerarse una toma panorámica, de derecha a izquierda, de un paisaje intelectual determinado. Los pensadores y los escritores a los que observa pertenecen a un mundo político en el que las categorías de derecha, centro e izquierda conservan aún visiblemente su significado, aun cuando las localizaciones y los límites de cada uno distan mucho de estar fijados. Se trata del espectro al que alude el título.'En este magistral nuevo estudio Perry Anderson recorre y analiza las trayectorias de un variado conjunto de intelectuales que, desde la derecha hasta la izquierda, han tenido un impacto duradero en la esfera pública y el mundo de las ideas. Así, en la primera parte, dedicada al pensamiento político, analiza la trayectoria de seis grandes pensadores conservadores (M. Oakeshott, C. Schmitt, L. Strauss, F. von Hayek, F. Mount y T. Garton Ash); en la segunda parte, profundiza en el pensamiento de tres filósofos políticos fundamentales en el cambio de siglo (J. Rawls, J. Habermas y N. Bobbio), de ideología de centro-izquierda o izquierda moderada; por último, la tercera parte está dedicada al campo de la historia, en cuanto registro del pasado, desde el terreno –ya claro– de la izquierda (examinando las figuras de E. Thompson, R. Brenner, E. Hobsbawm, S. Timpanazo, G. Therborn y G. García Márquez). El volumen finaliza con dos apéndices dedicados a la London Review of Books y a la vivencia de J. C.

The book outlines the historical development of Public Law and the state from ancient times to the modern day, offering an account of relevant events in parallel with a general historical background, establishing and explaining the relationships between political, religious, and economic events.

A decade after the 9/11 attacks, this groundbreaking book takes readers deep into rebellions against both autocrats and extremists that are redefining politics, culture, and security threats across the Islamic world. The awakening involves hundreds of millions of people. And the political transformations— and tectonic changes—are only beginning. Robin Wright, an acclaimed foreign correspondent and television commentator, has covered the region for four decades. She witnessed the full cycle, from extremism's angry birth and globalization to the rise of new movements transforming the last bloc of countries to hold out against democracy. Now, in Rock the Casbah, she chronicles the new order being shaped by youthinspired revolts toppling leaders, clerics repudiating al Qaeda, playwrights and poets crafting messages of a counter-jihad, comedians ridiculing militancy, hip-hop rapping against guns and bombs, and women mobilizing for their own rights. This new counter-jihad has many goals. For some, it's about reforming the faith. For others, it's about reforming political systems. For most, it's about achieving basic rights. The common denominator is the rejection of venomous ideologies and suicide bombs, plane hijackings, hostage-takings, and mass violence to achieve those ends. Wright captures a stunning moment in history, one of the region's four key junctures—along with Iran's revolution, Israel's creation, and the Ottoman Empire's collapse—in a century. The notion of a clash of civilizations is increasingly being replaced by a commonality of civilizations in the twenty-first century. But she candidly details both the possibilities and pitfalls ahead. The new counter-jihad is imaginative and defiant, but Muslim societies are also politically inexperienced and economically challenged.

When the socialist regime in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) was overthrown around the end of the eighties, beginning of the nineties, an overall transforma­ tion of whole societies started. Not only the political and the economic systems of these countries, but all societal sectors underwent deep changes. These changes presented opportunities, but they also spelled trouble. On one hand, getting rid of stifling political control and excessive bureaucratic regulation was something which most members of these societies desired. On the other, it be­ came apparent very soon that the necessary and long hoped-for rebuilding of the economy, education, health care, the mass media, and science, too, was strongly restricted by the scarcity of financial resources. After a short period, during which opportunities were energetically taken up in a spirit of hope, came a long and still lasting time of growing troubles and despondency. Only in a few of the CEE countries have some glimpses of hope become visible recently; and it re­ mains to be seen whether these signals are reliable. Until now, therefore, the transformation dynamics of all societal sectors in all of the CEE countries have primarily been troublesome. This is surely true for the post-socialist research systems. I The demise of the communist party's abso­ lute rule over society has allowed researchers the public expression and the pur­ suit of goals whose common denominator has been a greater self-regulation of scientific research according to its own criteria and logic.

The six years between the surrender of Japan on September 2, 1945, and the signing of a Treaty of Peace in San Francisco on September 8, 1951 between Japan and forty-eight of the nations with which she was at war, was a period unique in the history of international affairs. Throughout those six years Japan was occupied by the Allied Powers. Because of what was accomplished during that occupation under the wise leadership of General Douglas MacArthur, it was possible to conclude a peace which showed no trace of angry passion; a peace of reconciliation, not of vengeance. From its inception the Occupation of Japan was inspired by high moral principles, was governed by the magnanimity that comes from true strength and was carried out in a calm and purposeful manner. Japan's war-making power was destroyed and the influence of those who committed her to armed con­ quest eliminated. Oppressive laws and restrictive practices were removed and guaranties established for freedom of speech, religion and thought and respect for fundamental human rights.

When did man discover nuclear waste? To answer this question, we first have to ask if nuclear waste really is something that could be called a scientific discovery, such as might deserve a Nobel Prize in physics. In early writings within nuclear energy research radioactive waste appears to be a neglected issue, a story never told. Nuclear waste first seems to appear when a public debate arose about public health risks of nuclear power in the late 1960s and early 70s. In nuclear physics, consensus was established at an early stage about the understanding of the splitting of uranium nuclei. The fission products were identified and their chains of disintegration and radioactivity soon were well­ established facts among the involved scientists, as was an awareness of the risks, for example the strong radioactivity of strontium and iodine, and the poisonous effects of plutonium. However, the by-products were never, either in part or in total, called or perceived as waste, just as fission by-products. How and where to dispose of the by-products were questions that were never asked by the pioneers of nuclear physics.

This volume offers one of the first systematic analyses of the rise of modern social science. Contrary to the standard accounts of various social science disciplines, the essays in this volume demonstrate that modern social science actually emerged during the critical period between 1750 and 1850. It is shown that the social sciences were a crucial element in the conceptual and epistemic revolution, which parallelled and partly underpinned the political and economic transformations of the modern world. From a consistently comparative perspective, a group of internationally leading scholars takes up fundamental issues such as the role of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution in the shaping of the social sciences, the changing relationships between political theory and moral discourse, the profound transformation of philosophy, and the constitution of political economy and statistics.

Internationale Entwicklung und wachsende wirtschaftliche Verflechtungen erfordern eine enge deutsch-französische Zusammenarbeit. Die Kenntnisse des Partnerlandes und der Austausch der Ideen halten aber nicht mit dem Austausch der Waren Schritt. Wichtige Erkenntnisse und Anregungen bleiben ungenutzt. Das'Frankreich Jahrbuch'versucht, mehr Klarheit zu schaffen. Es wendet sich an alle Frankreichinteressenten in Politik, Wirtschaft, Hochschulen, Schulen und in den Medien. Über die meist lückenhafte Tagesinformation hinaus zeigt es Zusammenhänge und historische Entwicklungen, die die Vorgänge in unserem wichtigsten Partnerland verständlich machen. Frankreich verstehen ist eine interdisziplinäre Aufgabe, zu der Politik- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften ebenso beizutragen haben wie Literatur, Kunst und Philosophie. Das'Frankreich Jahrbuch'ist deshalb zugleich ein Jahrbuch der deutschen Frankreichforschung, Die sich zu einem Arbeitskreis beim Deutsch - Französischen Institut Ludwigsburg zusammengeschlossen hat. Mit seinem thematischen Schwerpunkt, der durch mehrere Beiträge aus unterschiedlicher Sicht beleuchtet wird, mit Einzelaufsätzen zu aktuellen Themen oder neuen Forschungsansätzen, mit Buchbesprechungen, Chronik und Dokumentation versammelt das Jahrbuch den jeweils neuesten Stand deutscher Frankreichkenntnis. Mit seinen jährlichen Folgen baut es sich zu einem umfassenden Nachschlagwerk auf

Dieser Buchtitel ist Teil des Digitalisierungsprojekts Springer Book Archives mit Publikationen, die seit den Anfängen des Verlags von 1842 erschienen sind. Der Verlag stellt mit diesem Archiv Quellen für die historische wie auch die disziplingeschichtliche Forschung zur Verfügung, die jeweils im historischen Kontext betrachtet werden müssen. Dieser Titel erschien in der Zeit vor 1945 und wird daher in seiner zeittypischen politisch-ideologischen Ausrichtung vom Verlag nicht beworben.

Dieses Jahrbuch informiert über alle Kriege und bewaffneten Konflikte, die im Jahr 2003 geführt wurden. Es beschreibt die strukturellen Hintergründe, den historischen Verlauf sowie die Jahresereignisse jedes Konfliktes und gibt einen zusammenfassenden Überblick über die Tendenzen und Entwicklungen des weltweiten Kriegsgeschehens. Die Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Kriegsursachenforschung (AKUF) der Universität Hamburg über die Kriege seit 1945 sind im deutschen Sprachraum die meistverwendete Grundlage einschlägiger Publikationen.

Über die Gestaltung der Arbeitsbeziehungen hinaus waren und sind die Gewerkschaften die mit am wichtigsten Akteure in Politik und Gesellschaft der Bundesrepublik. In diesem Handbuch wird von führenden Gewerkschaftsforschern ein vollständiger Überblick zu den Gewerkschaften geboten: Zu Geschichte und Funktion, zu Organisation und Mitgliedschaft, zu den Politikfeldern und ihrer Gesamtrolle in der Gesellschaft usw. Auch die Neubildung der Gewerkschaftslandschaft, das Handeln im internationalen Umfeld und die Herausforderung durch die Europäische Union kommen in diesem Buch zur Sprache.

Few modem events have aroused more controversy than the Spanish Civil War. This controversy was especially acute in Great Britain, which was tom between its distrust of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy on the one hand and of Communist Russia on the other. The and determined to avoid war at British public, pacifist in sentiment almost any cost, sensed the danger implicit in the Civil War, yet realised its impotence to control events in Spain which indeed it little understood. The British Government, though under heavy attack from the Opposition and from a handful of its own supporters, succeeded in its endeavours to keep the country out of war on this occasion. The neutrality of Spain, even after Mussolini had entered World War II, was of inestimable value to Britain after the debacle in the summer of I940. It may be therefore that British policy during the Civil War paid off later on as well as achieving its purpose at the time. Dr. Kleine's book, lucidly written and carefully documented, ex­ amines the British attitude toward the Spanish Civil War. The author has the advantage of belonging to a generation which is able to analyse these events with historical detachment. Yet his understanding and easy style have made the period live. Neutrality was not easy for Britain. Its far-reaching interests in trading with Spain and in passage through Iberian waters again and again raised awkward problems.