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Migration at international level is a global phenomenon. In recent years the world experienced the highest number of people who migrated abroad. For example, in 2020 approximately 3.6% of global population were international migrants. This was the highest proportion of the global population registered in the last thirty years. The paper analyses some general aspects of international migration. There are detailed migration patterns in various regions such as America, Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, and Africa. Based on the data provided can be drawn some policy implications. Countries of destination should apply policies in order to facilitate the integration of migrants and should provide labour market regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current refugees' crisis is undermining the main government coalitions of many countries in the European Union (EU), and tolerant attitudes and open admission policies toward immigrants seem to be part of the recent past history. The dilemma is gaining a lot of media attention as the public and political debate on migration is now playing an important role in all the European elections. Thus, the aim of this paper twofold. First, an analytical tool is developed to measure two synthetic indicators: (1) the citizens' openness towards immigration for 23 countries—18 EU Countries, plus Iceland, Israel, Norway, Switzerland, and Russia—included in the 2016 European Social Survey; and (2) the citizens' openness towards immigrants and refugees for 22 countries (same set without Hungary). And second, the effects of political orientation of citizens over the last synthetic indicator (immigrants and refugees) are studied. The approach of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) will be adopted here, with the purpose of identifying which countries are more, or less, open to the phenomenon of immigration and refugees. The results show that the Nordic countries and leftist are those which show more openness to immigration and refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from nine rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2018 to examine the relationship between individual attitudes toward immigration and party preferences among voters across countries. We find that individuals with more favorable attitudes toward the effect of immigrants on their country's economy and culture have a higher likelihood of voting for parties that are further left on the political spectrum, while those with more unfavorable attitudes prefer parties further to the right. Our results also show that voters are more strongly influenced by their perceptions of the cultural contributions of immigrants than by their views of the economic contributions of immigrants and this effect is becoming stronger over time. Interestingly, while the direction of influence is clear, extreme views on immigration do not appear to translate into votes for parties on the extremes of the political spectrum. Overall, our results provide useful insights in a global climate of increased focus on immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper's objective is to offer a range of appropriate theoretical formulations to better understand the unfolding dynamics and characteristics of new European youth migrations. After an extensive contextual introduction that sets the recent historical, institutional, and economic scene, the paper presents and critically evaluates the usefulness of five theoretical frameworks: (a) neoliberal 'Single Market' economics and free movement of persons and labour; (b) the renewed relevance of the core-periphery model of spatial economic structure and resultant migration flows; (c) 'liquid migration' and its defining ethos of 'intentional unpredictability'; (d) the intersection of migration with 'youth transitions'; and (e) the 'lifestyle migration' approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a summary of empirical research on welfare magnetism and to assess the size and scope of the welfare magnet effect on the non-EU migrants in selected immigration countries of the European Union.Design/methodology/approach A conditional logistic regression model with interactions is used to estimate the strength of the welfare magnet effect, while controlling for demographic characteristics of the migrants and country-specific economic indicators. Data, used for estimation, comes from the Immigrant Citizen Survey, which provides a large, representative sample of first-generation (i.e. non-EU born) migrants. Various measures of welfare generosity are tested to assure the robustness of the results.Findings The coefficients suggest that the welfare magnet effect is present and significant in some immigrant groups, although it can have a negative impact on location decisions in other cases. Similar results are obtained for wage and unemployment indicators.Research limitations/implications Results corroborate the welfare magnet hypothesis, which states that more generous welfare states should expect greater clustering of negatively-selected (i.e. lower educated) migrants. One potential limitation comes from the sample size, which does not allow for more general conclusions.Practical implications Heterogeneous effects of basic economic indicators in different demographic groups show that aggregate immigrant flows, used widely in the literature, can provide biased estimates of welfare magnet effect.Originality/value This paper adds to the available literature by using representative, recently collected data and employing a more complete list of controls in a quantitative analysis of migration decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines why some Western European countries are more successful in integrating immigrants into the labour market than others. Using data from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), we show how the country-specific immigrant composition and context of reception contribute to immigrants' disadvantages across receiving countries. Because the data provide extensive information about relevant characteristics that were often considered unobservable, we can comprehensively model the immigrant composition in receiving countries. We find considerable cross-country differences in immigrants' disadvantages, both in terms of employment and occupational status. Multivariate analyses highlight that a large part of this variation is explained by differences in immigrant compositions, whereas we find little evidence for context effects. Counterfactual simulations corroborate that the extent to which countries succeed with integrating immigrants into the labour market strongly depends on the composition of the immigrants that they receive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of the categories ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ to differentiate between those on the move and the legitimacy, or otherwise, of their claims to international protection has featured strongly during Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and has been used to justify policies of exclusion and containment. Drawing on interviews with 215 people who crossed the Mediterranean to Greece in 2015, our paper challenges this ‘categorical fetishism’, arguing that the dominant categories fail to capture adequately the complex relationship between political, social and economic drivers of migration or their shifting significance for individuals over time and space. As such it builds upon a substantial body of academic literature demonstrating a disjuncture between conceptual and policy categories and the lived experiences of those on the move. However, the paper is also critical of efforts to foreground or privilege ‘refugees’ over ‘migrants’ arguing that this reinforces rather than challenges the dichotomy’s faulty foundations. Rather those concerned about the use of categories to marginalise and exclude should explicitly engage with the politics of bounding, that is to say, the process by which categories are constructed, the purpose they serve and their consequences, in order to denaturalise their use as a mechanism to distinguish, divide and discriminate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to challenge the idea of the immobile immigrant worker, trapped in the bottom segments of the labour market, by exploring how immigrants and their descendants (sometimes designated second generation immigrants) develop re-emigration strategies in their first country of settlement in Europe when faced with structural or conjunctural barriers to the advancement of their socio-economic situation. Design/methodology/approach – Empirical evidence was collected through structured interviews aimed at capturing labour market and residential trajectories of workers of African origin and their descendants in Portugal, with a particular emphasis on the period between 1998 and 2006. Findings – Findings suggest that in some cases, immigrants draw on social networks available to them to engage in processes of continued intra-European mobility. International re-emigration emerges as a work-space mobility strategy for migrant workers and their descendants when there was no significant social mobility in the first destination. Similarly, international geographical mobility may constitute a self-perpetuating strategy across generations to escape structural immobility faced by certain immigrant groups in destination contexts. Research limitations/implications – Experiences reported are situated, so cannot be taken to represent those of all workers of African origin in Portugal. Social implications – Findings presented in the paper highlight potential consequences of perpetuating geographical mobility throughout time, namely in terms of labour market conditions and family dynamics. They also highlight the need to look at socio-economic mobility trajectories within Europe as integrated space and not just within national borders. Originality/value – The paper proposes an encompassing view of migrants' (im)mobilities over time, to include the conditions of their labour market incorporation and its links to further spatial, international, mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within a global context, the increase in migrations in different regions of the world during this century has led to an increment in academic production on migration. The aim of this article is to analyze the autonomy of migration from the approaches of two of its greatest exponents, Mezzadra and De Genova, who investigate migration's political condition, addressing the relationships of mutual influence between migrants, borders, and the State. The contribution of this paper is to show how this theoretical approach focuses on two fundamental processes to understand migration. On the one hand, it refers to the actions, strategies, and practices of those involved in shaping cross-border migration. On the other hand, it considers the role of States and borders as legal-political and historical constructs in shaping international (often irregular) migratory flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite recent advances, critical areas in the analysis of European migration remain underdeveloped. We have only a limited understanding of the consequences of migration for migrants and their descendants, relative to staying behind; and our insights of intergenerational transmission is limited to two generations of those living in the destination countries. These limitations stem from a paucity of studies that incorporate comparison with nonmigrants -- and return migrants -- in countries of origin and which trace processes of intergenerational transmission over multiple generations. This paper outlines the theoretical and methodological discussions in the field, design and data of the 2,000 Families study. The study comprises almost 50,000 members of migrant and non-migrant Turkish families across three family generations, living in Turkey and eight European countries. We provide indicative findings from the study, framed within a theoretical perspective of "dissimilation" from origins, and reflect on its potential for future migration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – Economic theory predicts that unemployment benefits may increase expected income and reduce its volatility, thereby attracting immigrants to countries which implement such programs. This article aims to explore whether and how changes in countries' unemployment benefit spending (UBS) affect immigration. Design/methodology/approach – Data are collected for 19 European countries over the period 1993-2008. The relationship between immigration flows and UBS is first tested using the OLS technique. Instrumental variable (IV) and generalised method of moments (GMM) are then used to address reverse causality. Findings – While the OLS estimates suggest the existence of a moderate within-country welfare magnet effect for the inflows of non-EU immigrants, the IV approach reveals that the impact is substantially smaller and statistically insignificant when GMM techniques are implemented. Research limitations/implications – Since information on the immigrants' country of origin is not available, it is not possible to exclude that for immigrants coming from certain areas, unemployment benefits constitute a strong incentive to immigrate. This hypothesis awaits further research, once detailed data is available. Originality/value – This paper complements previous literature on immigration and welfare by exploring the endogenous nature of welfare spending. The empirical results provide insights into the interaction between immigration and welfare policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes global shifts in migration and population demography and the simultaneous increase in nationalism and xenophobia. The literature lays out a need for more research examining how young people from immigrant or refugee backgrounds are being affected by contemporary trends in nationalism and xenophobia across diverse national contexts. This article concludes with an overview of five papers addressing the topic in the special section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand how the labour market integration of migrants in Europe is affected, in an interrelated fashion, by their reason for migration and their region of origin. Using recent data from the European Labour Force Survey, we distinguish immigrants to Europe between four migration motives: economic, education, family reasons, or international protection. We compare labour market outcomes of these categories of immigrants through earnings, controlling for a variety of individual factors (including language skills and age at migration), and we also investigate the role of selection into employment. Our results suggest that an economic reason for migration together with already having a job upon arrival is positively associated with higher, while, other things equal, refugees and family migrants are more likely to end up with lower earnings. However, when estimating full interaction models, we find that these results are highly dependent on where migrants come from. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper measures the impact of immigration on migrants' involvement in associations across Europe. Using multilevel analysis on European Social Survey (ESS) data, we address three questions: Are immigrants likely to become members in voluntary associations? Does this likelihood change with the length of stay in the host country? Does the type of the association make a difference? The findings show that the likelihood of migrants participating in associations increases with the length of stay, while second-generation migrant participation is similar to that of the host society. The relation is stronger for expressive associations and weaker for instrumental-utilitarian ones, while religious organisations are more likely to attract new immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates whether there are different social integration patterns of intra-European adult migrants who moved between 1974 and 2003 from Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Spain to one of the other four countries. These patterns are derived by means of latent class analysis based on information on the ethnic origin of both partners and friends. The data were collected by telephone interviews in the 'European Internal Movers' Social Survey' in 2004. Approximately 250 interviews were conducted with migrants from each of the 20 combinations of country of origin and country of residence ( N = 4.902). In addition to two patterns of nationalized integration, where partner and friends come predominantly either from the country of residence or the country of origin, two de-nationalized integration patterns were found which are characterized by mixed friendship networks (co-nationals, nationals of the country of residence, and third countries). As a country of residence, Britain provides the most fertile ground for a de-nationalization of friend and partnerships for incoming migrants; the opposite is true for Italy. German and British migrants tend to nationalize integration patterns, that is, they either socialize with their co-nationals or with nationals of their country of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing mainly on qualitative evidence gathered from interviews with migrant handymen and with labour-using households in the UK, this paper analyses how this migration typifies economic and social divisions within Europe and embodies conflicting tensions between economic and social policies at an interpersonal level. By supplying household services, migrant handymen enable labour-using households to alleviate time pressures and conflicts in time priorities arising from tensions between economic expectations regarding working hours and work commitment, and social expectations regarding contemporary ideas of active parenting. Similarly to the outsourcing of feminized domestic labour and care, these tensions are in part resolved for labour-using households by extending class divisions across national boundaries while leaving gender divisions changed but not transformed and in some instances exacerbating work/ life tensions among the migrants. These broad findings are complicated by differential desires and capabilities around fathering practices among fathers in labour-using households and among the migrants, and economic differentiation among the migrant population. Although we cannot tell from our study whether such movement reinforces or redresses uneven development, what we can say is that existing cohesion policies are insufficient to redress uneven development, and individual responses including migration can reinforce existing social divisions. Further, existing social policies for promoting gender equality fail to recognize or redress the deeply embedded gendered norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Deviance et Societe is the property of Medecine et Hygiene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper draws on how constructions of 'the migrant family' in political discourse influence migrants' and their families' lives. In specific national contexts, 'the migrant family' is determined according to the national and European debates and expressed by their respective rules and regulations. By 'doing family', migrants and their families develop strategies in order to fit these requirements of living a certain family life. Fulfilling specific norms and perceptions which are not necessarily required for the majority of society is a precondition to succeed. Who is and who is not part of the family, who holds responsibility — such aspects have to be proved and repeatedly reproduced by migrants and their families. This not only affects their position in society, but also has strong implications on their lives as a couple and family, since it requires the continuous adaptation and reconstructions of their everyday reality. ☆ Elisabeth Strasser, Albert Kraler, Saskia Bonjour and Veronika Bilger are researchers at the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) in Vienna. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors only, and not those of ICMPD as a Vienna-based intergovernmental organization or of its member states. This paper is based on preliminary results of the comparative research project 'Civic Stratification, Gender, and Family Migration Policies in Europe', funded by the Austrian Ministry of Science (node — research programme) from 2006–2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As undocumented migration becomes more difficult, migrants' journeys become longer and more fragmented. This is a response to new spatialities of migration control which are continually reconfigured in an effort to eliminate clandestine movement. In the trans-Saharan region, this pattern of fragmented journeys also arises from a network of transnational social organisations that depend upon newly available technologies. Migrants' social networks provide both the means and the motivation for continued movement, even as destinations become more elusive. This paper investigates the imbalanced conflict between the social organisation of Sahara transit migrants and the developing spatial logic of control. It is based on recent research with undocumented migrants in Morocco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the intercontinental migration between Europe and its Afro-Asian neighbourhood dates back to the Palaeolithic. Although the paper outlines the history of international migrations affecting Europe (immigration, emigration, migration within Europe and between countries) and the demographic effects of such migration on the present European population, it try to analyse the global and regional causes of the recent European migration crisis (2015-2016), the countries of origin of the migrants, the main routes of migration, and the destination areas in Europe. From among the various and multidisciplinary research possibilities, the study focuses on a geographical analysis. As far as intercontinental migration is concerned, Europe was characterised by emigration between the 16th and mid-20th centuries and mainly by immigration thereafter. Immigration has principally affected Western Europe, the more developed part of the continent. In consequence of post-WWII reconstruction, dynamic economic development, local labour shortages, and the decolonisation process, Western Europe received many migrants, initially from the Mediterranean region and subsequently from the post-communist European countries. Meanwhile, the core areas of the European Economic Area (EEA) became the main destination for migrants coming from predominantly Muslim regions in Asia and Africa. This decades-old process suddenly accelerated in the year 2015 and constituted mass migration. The global and regional causes of such intercontinental migration in the sending areas are as follows: the population boom, economic backwardness, unemployment, growing poverty, climate change, desertification, negative ecological changes, global political rivalries and local power changes (e.g. the Arab Spring, 2011), growing political instability, wartime destruction, multiple and cumulative crises, general hopelessness and despair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration trends are highly dynamic and the recent period has seen a transformation of migration to Europe. Studies of existing migrant stocks provide only limited information on these new migration flows and their implications for receiving societies. In the Norface-funded SCIP project (‘Socio-cultural integration processes among New Immigrants in Europe’), about 8000 recent migrants to four European destinations were surveyed soon after their arrival with many re-interviewed about 1.5 years later. The goal of the project was to obtain a more complete picture of integration processes in Europe and of the role of individual traits, group characteristics and reception contexts.SCIP data shed light on a highly dynamic phase in migrants’ integration that has important implications for what happens later in the adaptation process. Furthermore, these data reveal the extent to which differences in integration patterns are apparent from the very beginning of migrants’ stay or evolve over time. The SCIP project is comparative on the group and country level and thus helps to clarify whether country-specific integration patterns reflect characteristics of host country institutions and their ethnic boundaries – or can be attributed to the particularities of the immigrants these countries attract.This special issue demonstrates the potential of the data for addressing such questions, fundamental to our understanding of current and future migrant integration by bringing together six articles that tackle migrants' early adaptation, for example their language acquisition, the role of religiosity in finding a job, group differences in identification and acculturation, and experiences of discrimination across contexts. It also gives an insight into some limitations of the data set, describes the methodological challenges and possibilities in using it, and aims to inspire further research based on this unique data source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: L'autrice mesure la ségrégation professionnelle selon le statut migratoire en Europe, en analysant la situation séparément pour les femmes et pour les hommes. Les données proviennent des vagues 2005–2019 de l'enquête EFT de l'Union européenne. La répartition est plus ségrégative pour les femmes, par rapport aux hommes, pour les immigrés de la première génération, par rapport à la deuxième, et dans les pays d'Europe méridionale et orientale, par rapport à l'Europe septentrionale et occidentale. Une analyse contrefactuelle montre que les caractéristiques des migrants influent peu sur les écarts géographiques. Les institutions, les politiques d'intégration et les systèmes de valeur pourraient jouer un rôle important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Using panel data on 12 European source countries that are followed for 26 years (1873–1898), this paper studies age-specific emigration rates and the age composition of U.S. immigration. Two age groups are the focus of attention, 15–40 and over 40. Emigration-rate models and compositional models that satisfy adding-up conditions are estimated by the Hausman–Taylor Instrumental Variable approach. Younger migrants responded more strongly to job opportunities than to wage differentials, whereas older migrants responded more strongly to wage differentials. Both age groups tended to follow recent past migrants to the U.S. Relatively many younger (and relatively fewer older) migrants came from countries with higher percentages of their work forces in agriculture. Higher source-country birthrates discouraged younger migrants, presumably by raising the cost of family migration. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The introduction to this ERS Special Issue sets out the broad frame through which the six articles can be coherently viewed. It does so by suggesting that, more recently, different governments' attempts to manage the tensions surrounding asylum, labour needs and multicultural citizenship have increasingly involved a 'redrawing' or 'refixing' of immigration and multicultural political and policy approaches. This 'redrawing' process places a traditional stress on policing national borders and excavates older discourses of assimilationism through an emphasis on cultural integration, social cohesion and a notion of a core national identity. This process is apparent in wider European and Australian contexts and can be particularly seen in the current British government's legislative interventions on asylum and migrant labour. The introduction sets out the specificity of the British context and outlines how each of the subsequent articles speaks to the labile political and policy landscapes of migration and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration is a contentious topic that continues to elicit debates among scholars, practitioners, and the general public. Research on the relationship between immigration and crime has been at the center stage of social science inquiry for many years; however, the evidence is mixed. The aim of the present study is to supplement prior efforts to better understand the immigration–crime nexus. By analyzing aggregate-level data obtained from 21 European countries, we assessed the effects of three types of variables—percent of immigrants, immigrants with no citizenship, and refugees—on three different types of violent crimes. Overall, the results indicated a null relationship between immigration and crime, suggesting that immigration is unrelated to all the three types of crimes assessed. Based on these results, it is recommended that immigration-related policies will be based on fact and evidence, and not on sentiments and perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The flow of immigrants into Europe is a phenomenon commonly known since the end of the Second World War. To a large extent it was the result of a colonial and then post-colonial relationship between metropolises and their overseas territories. Migration movements in Europe intensified after 1989 along with systemic changes in the eastern part of the continent. The phenomenon of increased migration to Europe observed since March 2015 combines both processes: economic migration, which undoubtedly dominates in terms of number, and exiles, of a much smaller scale, but given as the cause of migration by almost all migrants. A new phenomenon is the fact that a large part of migrants constitutes uncontrolled migration, which in previous years was marginal. In 2015, asylum applications were submitted in EU countries by as many as 1.25 million people. The influx of refugees to Europe has become not only a demographic phenomenon, but also a political one, evoking strong political emotions. Mass migrations also seem to be an instrument of international policy implementation by key world powers. The main purpose of the article was to present the background of the mass migration to Europe that took place in 2015. The main reasons for the decision to emigrate by the citizens of origin countries were shown, as well as the routes by which refugees flow into Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the European anti-smuggling agenda as an anti-policy that derives legitimacy from fighting 'bad things', in terms that mask political disagreement. By juxtaposing the agenda to the experiences and understandings of those whom such measures affect most directly – people migrating without authorisation to the EU – it uncovers the productivity of anti-smuggling and the political contestations surrounding it. Based on a qualitative analysis of 257 interviews carried out with 271 people who travelled – or sought to travel – across the Mediterranean Sea by boat using smuggling networks, the article highlights the complicity of governing authorities and officials with smuggling networks and practices, as well as the diversity and ambivalences of relationships between smugglers and the smuggled. Going further, the article points to the specific ways in which anti-smuggling is contested by those on the move, which expose a central political disagreement over the legitimacy of mobility across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide a systematic assessment of various methods to position political parties on immigration, a policy domain that does not necessarily overlap with left–right and is characterized by varying salience and issue complexity. Manual and automated coding methods drawing on 283 party manifestos are compared – manual sentence-by-sentence coding using a conventional codebook, manual coding using checklists, automated coding using Wordscores, Wordfish and keywords. We also use expert surveys and the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP), covering the main parties in Austria, Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, between 1993 and 2013. We find high levels of consistency between expert positioning, manual sentence-by-sentence coding and manual checklist coding and poor or inconsistent results with the CMP, Wordscores, Wordfish and the dictionary approach. An often-neglected method – manual coding using checklists – offers resource efficiency with no loss in validity or reliability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to lack of access to work and support services migrants with precarious legal status engage in onward mobility within EUrope and thus contest the migration regime that aims to control and limit their mobility. This article highlights the ambiguous nature of mobility from a critical mobilities perspective based on multi-sited ethnographic research and interviews with migrants in Austria, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland. By focusing on their interrupted journeys, the article shows how migrants use mobility to secure basic needs and avoid migration control attempts and how this enhanced mobility aggravates emotional instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has become a major destination for international migrants. By 2015, 34.3 million people living in an EU member state were born outside of the EU-28, and an additional 18.5 million persons had been born in another EU country than the one currently residing in. In this context of a growing foreign-born population, which is now at about 10% of the total European population, xenophobic attitudes against immigrants are generally perceived as having increased over the past decade across Europe. This study explores the extent to which anti-immigrant hostility is spatially dependent and has spread geographically across European regions of that period. Based on data from seven rounds (2002-2014) of the European Social Survey, analysed at sub-national (NUTS 2 regions) levels, we identify a significant spatial connectivity of anti-immigrant attitudes by showing that spatially more proximate European regions share similar in trends in anti-immigrant sentiments than we observe between more distant regions. The identification of a spatially dependent diffusion and clustering process of anti-immigrant attitudes has a significant bearing for the understanding of the rise and fall of populist movements across Europe and changing electoral support for xenophobic parties across European regions over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does Europe need to prepare for a coming "surge" of sub-Saharan migrants? This prediction is based on a model of communicating vessels that fails to take into account three fundamental observations: 1) compared to people in other regions, sub- Saharan Africans are less prone to migrate, due to poverty; 2) when they do emigrate, 70% move to another sub-Saharan country; 3) according to UN demographic growth projections, while sub-Saharan African migrants will have a growing place in societies of the North, they will remain a small minority: around 4% of the population in 2050 - far below the 25% that some have claimed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious identity and practice has been associated with attitudes to immigration in Europe, but it is not known how this relationship varies between different cultural and economic contexts. Analysing data from seven waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) 2002-2014 we examine the association cross-nationally and over time, in what was a financially unstable period for many European countries and households. We have two main findings. Firstly, it is not religion per se, but rather conformity to national rates of religiosity which is associated with concern about the economic and cultural consequences of immigration. Secondly, the association between religion and anti-immigration is strengthened in contexts of economic uncertainty. These findings suggest that while religion does not predict immigration attitudes uniformly across countries, when religion reflects cultural conformity, it could become an expression national or ethnic group identity in times of economic insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2014 to the end of 2016, over 450,000 people crossed from North Africa towards Italy via the Central Mediterranean route. The number of people recorded as dead or missing in the same stretch of water steadily increased too. Crisis-talk in the region led to renewed efforts by the European Union and its Member States to govern and control migration to and across the Central Mediterranean. Against this backdrop, this article draws upon over 200 interviews with newly arrived boat migrants and 55 stakeholders in Italy to reveal a fundamental disjuncture between the drivers and dynamics of migration and the assumptions underpinning policy development, the saliency of which becomes apparent at three crucial junctions: along migration land routes; at sea; and upon arrival in Europe. In doing so, the article questions current ways of understanding journeys in research and policy, and highlights their consequences for the governance of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the interconnections between migration to Europe for asylum and the multiple ‘crises’ of the border regime that have occurred in recent decades. Drawing on 22 months of ethnographic research with refugees in Italy and Germany, the article highlights the tensions between migration policy and legislation at the structural level and the agency of refugees. The case study focuses on a protest staged by refugees in Berlin and the active involvement of its civil-society supporters. The everyday practices of refugees, including building relationships with local residents, cross-border mobility within Europe and ‘inhabiting’ the grey zones where different national jurisdictions intersect, generate frictions that open up spaces of autonomy: the ‘interstices’. Territorial, social and judicial interstices develop out of the power relations in Europe’s migration ‘battleground’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous literature on a variety of countries has documented a "healthy immigrant effect" (HIE). Accordingly, immigrants arriving in the host country are, on average, healthier than comparable natives. However, their health status dissipates with additional years in the country. HIE is explained through the positive self-selection of healthy immigrants as well as the positive selection, screening and discrimination applied by host countries. In this article we study the health trajectories of immigrants within the context of selection and migration policies. Using SHARE data we examine the HIE, comparing Israel and 16 European countries that have fundamentally different migration policies. Israel has virtually unrestricted open gates for Jewish people around the world, who in turn have ideological rather than economic considerations to move. European countries have selective policies with regards to the health, education and wealth of migrants, who also self-select themselves. Our results provide evidence that (1) immigrants who move to Israel have compromised health and are significantly less healthy than comparable natives. Their health disadvantage persists for up to 20 years of living in Israel, after which they become similar to natives; (2) immigrants who move to Europe have significantly better health than comparable natives. Their health advantage remains positive for many years. Even though during some time lapses they are not significantly different from natives, their health status never becomes worse than that of natives. Our results are important for migration policy and relevant for domestic health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The borders of Europe do not only operate at territorial limits. This article argues for those identified as Roma, UK immigration control has shifted from gate-keeping at the territorial border to gate-keeping access to services through child welfare. Three factors have interrelated to foreground boundary-making in home encounters: European Union expansion, development of a post-welfare state and governmentalisation of vulnerable children. First this article examines how these three processes converge to activate the border through assessments of mothering in the home. Due to mothers’ particular migrant status, they are confronted with a choice between loss of motherhood or movement from the national territory. Second it illustrates how mothers engage in strategies of self-representation to negotiate bordering processes, requiring intensive work with a variety of actors. These actors are themselves located within racialised and gendered hierarchies. This article illustrates through ethnographic vignettes how the home is recast as a site of negotiating access to state forms where judgements of ‘good motherhood’ produce bordering effects. This represents a governing logic applied both to mothers and frontline workers resulting in stratified reproduction based on hierarchies of values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The linkage between race and migration, especially in the UK since the 1990s, has shifted from a focus on postcolonial migrants to focus on newer groups, while migration within the European Union has also altered the discussion of racism and migration. This critical review provides a framework for understanding how race is conceptualized (or ignored) in contemporary scholarship on migration. We identify three, partly overlapping nexi between migration and racialization: (1) ‘Changing Migrations – Continuities of Racism’; (2) ‘Complex Migrations – Differentialist Racialization’; (3) ‘Post-racial Migrations – Beyond Racism’. The article analyses what each of these nexi bring into focus as well as what they neglect. The concept of race–migration nexus aids a fuller understanding of how migration and contemporary racialization are co-constructed. Scholars need to consider the relationship between migration and race to better address pressing issues of racism against migrants and settled communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Student migrants from former sending regions now form a substantial share of non-European Union migration flows to Europe. These flows represent the convergence of extensive internationalisation of higher education with increasing restrictions on family and labour migration. This article provides the first examination of student migrants’ early socio-cultural and structural integration by following recently arrived Pakistani students in London over an 18-month period. We use latent class analysis to identify both elite and two ‘middling’ types – middle class and network-driven – within our student sample. We then ask whether these types experience early socio-cultural and structural integration trajectories that differ in the ways that the elite and middling transnational literatures would suggest. We find differences in structural, but less in socio-cultural outcomes. We conclude that to understand the implications of expanding third country student migration across the European Union, it is important to recognize both the distinctiveness of this flow and its heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Contributing to the debate on the integration of migrants in Europe, this study focuses on Subjective Well-Being (SWB) of people with migration backgrounds compared to people without a migration background - specifying SWB in terms of successful integration. The analyses employ a multilevel perspective (data base: European Social Survey). On the macro level, gross domestic product (GDP), welfare regime, xenophobia and the migrant integration policy index (MIPEX) are considered; on the micro level, social origin, education, unemployment, income deprivation, relationship status, health status and controls. Findings indicate a disadvantage in SWB of first-generation migrants that goes beyond deficits regarding well-studied SWB determinants. The SWB gap between migrants and nonmigrants is larger in countries with a high GDP and smaller in countries with a high MIPEX score. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's experience with immigration has been comparatively positive and mass immigration has considerable popular support within the country. The distinctive Canadian policy model—including large numbers with skill-based selection, multiculturalism and other policies aimed at promoting integration, and provincial autonomy—deserves international attention. However, Canada's success with immigration is only partly related to its policies and these may not be easily transferable to other contexts. Skill-based immigrant selection may be the most important feature of the Canadian model contributing to its success, and the effectiveness of this policy is clearly contingent on border control, which in the case of Canada is facilitated by geographical isolation. Canada's symbolic commitment to multiculturalism emphasizes the social integration of immigrants and this goal is also served by significant social services supporting settlement and language acquisition. The most significant distinctive feature of the Canadian approach to immigration may be the belief that immigration represents a positive opportunity to build the economy and develop the country. This belief represents a resource helping the country address some of the current problems confronting immigration, including reduced employment success of immigrants and evidence that racial divisions have significance particularly for certain groups. The belief in mass immigration as a positive resource and development opportunity underlies much of the positive discourse on immigration in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Governance is commonly described as the governmental form typical of late-modernity resulting from the collaboration between government and civil society. Governance – we are told – is to be preferred to previous governmental patterns, for not only is it more cost-effective but also participatory and empowering. This article takes such claims at face value and examines them ethnographically to see how they are applied in relation to migrants in the ‘progressive’ city of Barcelona. The article argues that migrants' participation in governance de facto means participation in token consultative institutions and in policy-implementation by proxy (i.e. through local ‘pro-migrant’ NGOs hired to deliver public services to migrants). It also argues that the empowerment that derives from participating in governance is greater for governmental bodies and for the local non-profit ‘immigration industry’ than it is for migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration research has generally neglected the individual, sacrificing him/her to macrosociological analyses. Some anthropologists, however, offer more analytically productive frameworks within which to comprehend the migrants’ experiences by considering them in terms of hybridity and liminality. I argue for the insight recognition of a liminal imaginary may bring to an understanding of transnational North African’s experiences by exploring the novelistic space-time constructed and shared by Francophone Maghrebi authors, including Tahar Ben Jelloun and Mehdi Charef. Recognizing in the Moroccan context the pertinence of a hegemonic patriarchal master-disciple matrix, in addition to a certain idea of liberty in regard to international relations and borders, I perceive these Francophone Maghrebi authors as pursuing a distinctive kind of freedom, one linked to their liminal positions. I take Victor Turner’s conception of the liminal a step further by pointing to the relevance of barzakh, an Arabic word theorized by the 13th century Andalusian philosopher Ibn al-Arabi as an isthmus and womb. I further build on this concept by focusing on the inarticulatable aspects and transgressive possibilities outside transnational structures and traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Diaspora, as a venerated concept, has a strong placement in our political and intellectual discourses. My article questions the deployment of diaspora as an analytical category in explaining the contemporary immigration experience. Focusing peculiarly on the ethnic axis of homelands and abroad, theories of diaspora overlook the transgressions of the national and lose sight of the new dynamics and topography of membership. I suggest that a more productive perspective is achieved by focusing our analytical providence on the proliferating sites of making and enacting citizenship. I do this by elaborating two paradoxes underlying the contemporary formations of citizenship: a) the increasing decoupling of rights and identities, the two main components of citizenship; b) the tendency towards particularistic claims in public spheres and their legitimation through universalistic discourses of personhood. These paradoxes warrant that we have new forms of making claims, mobilizing identity and practising citizenship, which lie beyond the limiting dominion of ethnically informed diasporic arrangements, transactions and belongings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]