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Background: Although Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) is internationally considered a harmful practice, it is increasingly being medicalized allegedly to reduce its negative health effects, and is thus suggested as a harm reduction strategy in response to these perceived health risks. In many countries where FGM/C is traditionally practiced, the prevalence rates of medicalization are increasing, and in countries of migration, such as the United Kingdom, the United States of America or Sweden, court cases or the repeated issuing of statements in favor of presumed minimal forms of FGM/C to replace more invasive forms, has raised the debate between the medical harm reduction arguments and the human rights approach. Main body: The purpose of this paper is to discuss the arguments associated with the medicalization of FGM/C, a trend that could undermine the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 5.3. The paper uses four country case studies, Egypt, Indonesia, Kenya and UK, to discuss the reasons for engaging in medicalized forms of FGM/C, or not, and explores the ongoing public discourse in those countries concerning harm reduction versus human rights, and the contradiction between medical ethics, national criminal justice systems and international conventions. The discussion is structured around four key hotly contested ethical dilemmas. Firstly, that the WHO definition of medicalized FGM/C is too narrow allowing medicalized FGM to be justified by many healthcare professionals as a form of harm reduction which contradicts the medical oath of do no harm. Secondly, that medicalized FGM/C is a human rights abuse with lifelong consequences, no matter who performs it. Thirdly, that health care professionals who perform medicalized FGM/C are sustaining cultural norms that they themselves support and are also gaining financially. Fourthly, the contradiction between protecting traditional cultural rights in legal constitutions versus human rights legislation, which criminalizes FGM/C. Conclusion: More research needs to be done in order to understand the complexities that are facilitating the medicalization of FGM/C as well as how policy strategies can be strengthened to have a greater de-medicalization impact. Tackling medicalization of FGM/C will accelerate the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goal of ending FGM by 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Performing female genital mutilation (FGM) is prohibited within the UK by the FGM Act of 2003. A mandatory reporting duty for FGM requires regulated health and social care professionals and teachers in England and Wales to report known cases of FGM in under 18-year-olds to the police. An application to the court for an FGM protection order (FGMPO) can be made to keep individual women and girls safe from FGM. This paper reveals the significant disconnect between the number of FGMPO applications and known recorded cases of FGM. The introduction of FGMPOs requires critical exploration as there is insufficient evidence to show that FGMPOs are effective in protecting women and girls from FGM. It is therefore unclear what impact, if any, FGMPOs are having upon the protection of women and girls at risk of FGM. The barriers to the implementation of FGMPOs and possible solutions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hailed as the most innovative and unique human rights monitoring mechanism at the United Nations, the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process promises to promote and protect the universality of all human rights issues and concerns in an objective, universal, and transparent manner. With the interactive dialogue session being at the heart of the review, coupled with the possibility of peer States potentially raising any international human rights norm to hold States accountable, there is a possible challenge to the universality of human rights norms, vocalized by State representatives when certain contentious issues are raised during State reviews. This paper explores the issue of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and the extent of the normative claim of universality of international human rights, challenging State reviews in the first cycle of the UPR process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current public debate on “female genital mutilation” often renders the impression that it is possible to draw an unambiguous line between acceptable and condemnable practices of female genital cutting. In this paper, the cultural histories of cutting of the female genitalia are presented and discussed. Available historical accounts of female circumcision practices in Africa reflect Western, mainly European, ideas and ideologies at certain points in time. In a sense, these descriptions have more to say about “us” than “them”. Further, the historical descriptions of female circumcision in Africa are intertwined with time-bound notions and cutting practices in Western countries in different epochs. Through retrospective reflections, it is possible to see how current commonsensical standpoints, among them the hegemony of a “zero tolerance” attitude regarding cutting of the female genitalia among Africans, are a product of a recently introduced perspective, and also how this generally accepted perspective may render it more difficult to present multi-faceted ethnographic accounts of lived experiences today. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, I discuss compulsory genital examinations in Swedish African, mainly Somali, girls. The discussion is based on data from 122 police files, including criminal investigations regarding suspected "female genital mutilation" (FGM). A growing body of research in European countries indicates that processes of cultural change are occurring among immigrant communities from areas where traditionally girls are subjected to what is construed as "circumcision". Many studies show growing opposition to these practices among people who have migrated to Europe, and there is little evidence to support the assertion that large-scale illegal activities are prevalent. Yet there is a dominant discourse stating that FGM is secretively practised on a large scale among some immigrant groups in Europe, and policies encourage the detection of cases to charge in criminal court. I describe the current situation in Sweden and highlight some of the drawbacks of a very harsh, although well-intended, policy to check for FGM in Europe. While the ultimate aim is to protect girls at risk for FGM, current policies have ramifications that are invasive and sometimes even traumatising for the girls involved. This paper offers an empirical example of how politics in western multicultural societies may negatively influence the sexual health and rights of a target group, in this case, girls and young women whose families originate from countries where circumcision of girls is practiced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the deficiency in human rights scholarship to address aspects of social injustice and gendered oppression in female genital ritual (FGR). It notes that laws which prohibit FGR have failed to distinguish between the defenseless and those able to protect themselves. It mentions that the concerns for adverse health consequences from FGR have been undermined by studies with contradictory findings.

This paper presents results of a survey on legislation regarding female genital mutilation in 15 European member states, as well as the results of a comparative analysis of the implementation of these laws in Belgium, France, Spain, Sweden and the UK. The research showed that although both criminal laws and child protection laws are implemented a number of difficulties with the implementation of these laws remain. The article suggests that efforts should primarily focus on child protection measures, but also on developing implementation strategies for criminal laws, and concludes with suggestions to overcome the obstructing factors to implement laws applicable to FGM in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author responds to three commentaries on her essay "From the War on Terror to the Moral Crusade Against Female Genital Mutilation: Anti-Muslim Racism and Femonationalism in the United States," published in this symposium. The response addresses three main arguments, namely, the need for a specific ban on female genital mutilation (FGM), the multiplicity of actors involved in the anti-FGM movement, and the problematic way in which words and numbers are used in the public sphere to depict FGM. The author concludes with a call to decolonize the anti-FGM debate and to reflect critically on the political context in which anti-FGM legislation takes place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the recent flurry of state-level legislation regarding female genital mutilation (FGM), which occurred in the aftermath of the first federal criminal court case of FGM in 2017. Drawing on publicly available material, it shows how this court case, which involved a group of Muslims of Indian heritage, elicited a moral crusade against FGM, largely led by Republican lawmakers, and spurred a resurgence of anti-Muslim discourses, which first came to the fore after 9/11 to legitimate the "war on terror." Although FGM is not an Islamic practice and is also carried out by non-Muslim groups, the author concludes that femonationalism and anti-Muslim racism are important analytical lens for understanding the recent history of legislative efforts to combat FGM in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of campaigns against female genital mutilation (FGM) began in the 1920s. From the beginning, it was recognised that FGM was considered an important rite of passage between childhood and adulthood for girls, based on the importance of controlling female sexuality to maintain chastity and family honour, and to make girls marriageable. How to separate the “cut” from these deeply held norms is a question not yet adequately answered, yet I believe the answer is key to stopping the practice. Since the 1994 ICPD, national and international action against FGM has grown and resolutions have been passed in global forums which define FGM as a form of violence and a violation of children’s human rights. These resolutions have contributed to building consensus against FGM and developing national legislation criminalising FGM. Prosecutions or arrests involving FGM have been reported in several African countries and Great Britain, but apart from France, there have been very few. This paper summarises this history and how FGM has been criminalised. It argues that criminalisation may not be the best means of stopping FGM, but can have serious harmful effects itself. It calls for community-led educational information and more support for dialogue within FGM-practising communities, and argues that what is important is addressing the sexual and reproductive health consequences of FGM and gaining the understanding of women who have experienced it and their families as to why they should not make their daughters and grand-daughters go through it too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Peggy Mulongo and Sue McAndrew respond to a review of the law surrounding protection orders, published in the July issue of the British Journal of Midwifery, and call for a national commissioner [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa is infamous for its history of disenfranchising most of its population under the dehumanizing policy of apartheid. A country of almost 50 million people, South Africa has a diverse array of languages, races, religions and ethnic communities, and has faced significant challenges -- political, cultural and socio-economic -- since the advent of democracy in 1994. The writers of the 1996 Constitution faced the unenviable task of accommodating the diverse viewpoints that inevitably derived from South Africa's fractured history and society. The Constitution is one of the most progressive in the world, and notably includes a Bill of Rights, which in addition to including civil and political rights typically protected by international human rights instruments, includes protection of socio-economic and cultural rights. Cultural rights are protected in Sections 30 and 31 of the Constitution, although such protection is not without limitation. This highly complex interplay and "competition" between human rights and culture is the golden thread that traces through the paper, which focuses on several cultural practices and traditions which, it is suggested, violate certain human rights norms in South Africa. These practices and traditions, all of which relate to women, are reviewed -- together with the sections of the South African Constitution that they are considered to violate. Using the example of curbing the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) in other African countries through the NGO Tostan, it is emphasized that the law is only one component of a multidisciplinary approach, and that civil society, government and other role-players are all needed to change perceptions and attitudes. In conclusion, general recommendations are made about reducing the conflict between culture and human rights in South Africa. These include the use of human rights education, human rights advocacy on gender issues, legislative measures, and developing customary law to ensure compatibility with the South African Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about how female circumcision/female genital mutilation (FC/FGM) was viewed by women and men aged 18–89 in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, now that it has been against the law for almost 15 years. The findings come from 11 months of field research, participant observation and interviews in 2008. The practice of FC/FGM was an important issue in Bobo-Dioulasso, even though prevalence seems to be falling. The most important argument for continuing it was not a traditional role, but the need to control female sexuality – regarded as very active – not to negate it, but to ensure morally acceptable behaviour. When I talked about female genital cosmetic surgery it emerged that Bobolaise women used various substances to enhance sexual pleasure for men, both to keep the relationship and to protect the gifts and money many women needed to survive and for their children. FC/FGM was seen as a socio-cultural obligation, necessary to achieve a respectable status. Other forms of genital modification were seen as a means of satisfying male sexual needs, though vaginal tightening to hide sexual experience was also a way of demonstrating respectability. What emerged overall is that Bobolaises had their own perspectives about all the forms of female genital modification that were discussed. Cet article décrit l'idée que les femmes et les hommes âgés de 18–89 ans se font de l'excision/la mutilation sexuelle féminine à Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, alors qu'elle est désormais illégale depuis près de 15 ans. Ces conclusions proviennent d'une recherche de terrain de 11 mois, d'observation participante et d'entretiens en 2008. La mutilation sexuelle féminine était un problème important à Bobo-Dioulasso, même si sa prévalence semble diminuer. L'argument le plus important pour la poursuivre n'était pas son rôle traditionnel, mais la nécessité de contrôler la sexualité féminine, considérée très active, non pas de la nier, mais de garantir un comportement moralement acceptable. Quand j'ai parlé de chirurgie plastique des organes génitaux féminins, il est apparu que les Bobolaises utilisaient différentes substances pour augmenter le plaisir masculin, à la fois dans le but de garder leur partenaire et conserver les cadeaux et l'argent dont beaucoup de femmes ont besoin pour survivre et pour leurs enfants. La mutilation sexuelle féminine était considérée comme une obligation socioculturelle, nécessaire pour jouir d'un statut respectable. D'autres formes de modification génitale étaient jugées comme un moyen de satisfaire les besoins sexuels masculins, même si le rétrécissement vaginal pour cacher l'expérience sexuelle était aussi une manière pour la femme de démontrer sa respectabilité. Il est apparu dans l'ensemble que les Bobolaises avaient leurs propres opinions sur toutes les formes de modification génitale féminine évoquées. En este artículo se examina la manera en que la circuncisión femenina/mutilación genital femenina (CF/MGF) era vista por mujeres y hombres de 18 a 89 años de edad, en Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, ahora que ha sido ilegal por casi 15 años. Los hallazgos provienen de 11 meses de investigación en el campo, observación participante y entrevistas realizadas en 2008. La práctica de CF/MGF era un asunto importante en Bobo-Dioulasso, aunque la prevalencia parece haber disminuido. El argumento más importante para continuarla no era su función tradicional, sino la necesidad de controlar la sexualidad femenina – considerada como muy activa – no negarla, pero sí asegurar comportamiento moralmente aceptable. Cuando hablé sobre cirugía cosmética de los genitales femeninos, resultó que las mujeres de Bobolaise utilizaban diversas sustancias para realizar el placer sexual de los hombres, tanto para mantener la relación como para proteger los regalos y el dinero que muchas mujeres necesitaban para sobrevivir y para sus hijos. La CF/MGF era vista como una obligación sociocultural, necesaria para lograr una condición social respetable. Otras formas de modificación genital eran consideradas un medio de satisfacer las necesidades sexuales del hombre, aunque apretar la vagina para ocultar la experiencia sexual también era una manera de demostrar respetabilidad. En general, se determinó que las personas de Bobolaise tenían sus propias perspectivas sobre todas las formas de modificación genital femenina discutidas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) is one of the most prevalent harmful cultural practices against women and girls in many African countries. We identified reasons for the failure of the legal approach to stop FGC practice in the Ejagham region Southwest of Cameroon through multi-locale ethnographic fieldwork. The reasons revolve around the belief that FGM is useful for the reduction of sexual immorality among women, removal of sexual ambiguity and improving genital esthetics, a feministic symbol and cultural identity, and the government's socio-economic neglect of the Ejagham communities; the basis for resistance. Non-legal approaches involving community development and women empowerment have been proposed for fighting FGC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female Genital Cutting (FGC) is increasingly being performed by trained health professionals. International, national, and local institutions strongly oppose this medicalization trend, arguing that the involvement of health-care providers in the performance of FGC will counteract efforts to eliminate the practice. However, no empirical research to date has confirmed or refuted this claim. Therefore, it remains unclear how the medicalization of FGC relates to changes in the prevalence of the practice. In the current paper, we aim to fill this gap in the literature by examining the association between this medicalization trend and the risk of FGC. We focus on Egypt because of its high medicalization and prevalence rates and its unique history of FGC legislation. We performed a discrete-time event-history regression analysis combined with governorate fixed effects using the Egyptian Demographic Health Surveys from 2005, 2008, and 2014 (N = 49,273 daughters clustered within 29,810 mothers). Our results show that increasing medicalization rates coexist with decreasing prevalence rates. This effect is particularly pronounced in a context where a substantial number of cuts were medicalized (estimated at 40% and above). This effect is significantly more pronounced in higher educated mothers. Our study thus shows that the medicalization of FGC can coincide with decreasing prevalence rates of FGC. Medicalization of FGC may take place in a context where an awareness of the health hazards related to FGC is more pronounced, thereby also discouraging the practice as a whole. In addition, the medicalization of FGC may make the practice more individualized and therefore reduce the incentives for FGC. • The FGC medicalization trend coincides with decreases in FGC prevalence in Egypt. • A sharp decline in FGC prevalence is established in the youngest age groups. • Increases in the medicalization of FGC reduce the risk of FGC even further. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Egypt is one of three countries where half of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) victims live, despite its ban. To inform policy on the awareness of this ban and the impact of other interventions, this study sought to assess FGM/C-related knowledge, perceptions, and determinants of disagreement with FGM/C and circumcision of future daughters among university students. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted using a self-administered questionnaire in a random sample of 502 male and female students in Menoufia University between September and December 2017. Bivariate and multivariable logistic regression analyses were performed. Results: Students were 21.0 ± 1.6 years old; 270 (54.0%) were males, 291 (58.0%) were non-medical students, and 292 (58.2%) were rural residents. 204 (46.7%) students were not aware of the ban and their main source of information about FGM/C was educational curricula or health education sessions (162, 37.0%). Only 95 (19.0%) students had good knowledge about FGM/C. 217 (43.3%) students were neutral towards discontinuing FGM/C. 280 (56.2%) students disagreed with FGM/C. 296 (59.3%) students disagreed with circumcision of their future daughters; independent determinants of this outcome were awareness of the ban (ORa = 1.9) and disagreement with: FGM/C preserves females' virginity (ORa = 5.0), has religious basis (ORa = 3.8), makes females happier in marriage (ORa = 3.5), enhances females' hygiene (ORa = 2.1). Conclusions: Knowledge about FGM/C and its ban is low, even in this educated population. FGM/C is still misperceived as a religious percept. Maximizing the utilization of health education and curricula might help increase anti-FGM/C attitudes among university students with neutral perceptions and initiate the much-needed momentum for elimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female genital cutting (FGC) or, more controversially, female genital mutilation, has motivated the implementation of legislation in many English-speaking countries, the product of emotive images and arguments that obscure the realities of the practices of FGC and the complexity of the role of the practitioner. In Australia, state and territory legislation was followed, in 2015, with a conviction in New South Wales highlighting the problem with laws that speak to fantasies of 'mutilation'. This article analyses the positioning of Islamic women as victims of their culture, represented as performing their roles as vehicles for demonic possession, unable to authorize agency or law. Through a perverse framing of 'mutilation', and in the case through the interpretation of the term 'mutilation', practices of FGC as law performed by women are obscured, avoiding the challenge of a real multiculturalism that recognises lawful practices of migrant cultures in democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the case of Doctor Jumana Nagarwala, who was arrested at Henry Ford Hospital in Detroit, in April, 2017 Michigan for practicing Female Genital Cutting (FGC) at the clinic on several female minors, and was tried under the U.S. federal Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) law. Topics discussed include religious perspectives on FGC; cultural boundaries of the medicine; and violation of professional ethics, and human rights by the physicians.

Background: While female genital mutilation (FGM) has been illegal in the UK since 1985, research estimated that in 2015 there were over 100 000 women and girls resident in the UK subjected to FGM. Aims: To determine the effect of changes in the legislation of 2015, which made reporting of FGM in girls under 18 mandatory. Methods: Freedom of Information requests were sent to all 45 UK police authorities, asking the number of cases of FGM reported between specific dates, victims' ages, the occupation of the person reporting and the age and gender breakdown of the police force. Similar requests were sent to health and social care organisations. Findings: Of 45 police authorities in the UK, six initially responded, with three stating that no cases of FGM had been reported. The remaining police authorities either provided partial information or declined the request. However, other sources indicated over 6000 reported cases between October 2014 and October 2015. Conclusions: The ability of frontline professionals and policymakers to obtain, interpret and use data is affected by the secrecy that surrounds FGM, the complexities of investigation and the absence of a significant numbers of prosecutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female genital mutilation (FGM) is a traditional practice where female genital organs are altered for non-medical reasons. The custom is outlawed in Australia and associated with an array of medical consequences. Due to the recent influx of migrants from regions endemic to FGM, the practice is becoming a growing concern locally. This federal government funded study aimed to elicit the poorly understood perceptions that young, Sub-Saharan African, migrant males residing in Townsville, Australia have on FGM. Through piloted questionnaires we found that amongst the 67 participants, 23.9% believed that FGM should be allowed under Australian Law. The independent predictors of supportive attitudes in favour of FGM were having resided in Australia for five or less years (p = .016, 95% CI 0.99-8.09) and coming from a basic educational background (high school or TAFE) (p = .003, 95% CI 1.3-12.4). This study also found that participant perceptions on FGM were amenable to change through educational interventional strategies. Impact statement Female genital mutilation (FGM) is a traditional practice where female genital organs are altered for non-medical reasons. The role that males play in the continuation of this outlawed practice remains poorly understood. No research has ever been conducted in Australia looking at the perception that young, migrant males have on FGM. Several European-based studies have examined the perceptions of older, poorly educated, migrant male cohorts. Generally, these studies show that the attitudinal support for FGM and intention to practice remains relatively high amongst these cohorts. This study examined the attitudes of a young, Sub-Saharan African, migrant, male cohort residing in Australia. This adds to the literature base by establishing the perceptions and associated socio-demographic variables of this unique and influential subset of the migrant population. This directly facilitates the development of interventional strategies against FGM by highlighting those most likely to have an attitudinal support in favour of FGM. Consequentially, this 'at risk' group can be more effectively focussed on interventional programmes and be further investigated in larger scale studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Key content In the UK, female genital mutilation ( FGM) has been outlawed since 1985, yet the practice continues. The multiplicity of reasons given for the practice include tradition, religion and preservation of virginity., The procedure can lead to numerous and deleterious physical, psychological and sexual effects., Legislating against FGM provides an official platform to back up the position of activists and community members that do not wish to continue with the practice., However, the legislative developments, including mandatory recording and reporting of FGM cases, need to go hand in hand with the training of healthcare professionals, improving health and social service provisions, robust political commitment and education and empowerment of FGM-practising communities., Learning objectives To define FGM, to understand the practice, the procedure and its consequences., To examine the legislative development in the UK., To look at how we can improve the services that care for women at risk or who have undergone FGM., Ethical issues Female genital cosmetic surgery., Mandatory reporting of FGM., Gender inequalities., Cultural/racial sensitivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various articles within the issue related to empirical and ethical concerns associated with legality of female genital mutilation (FGM).

Female genital mutilation, also known as female circumcision (FGM/C) is a deep-rooted practice in some countries that needs to be addressed if the health needs of women and girls are to be met. FGM/C has no medical or health benefits. This article will discuss the different types of FGM/C, the law and legal implications and urological complications. Urology nurses need to be aware of what their medical roles and legal responsibilities are so that they are able to sensitively and holistically care for girls and women living with or at risk of FGM/C. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To describe the presentation and management of children referred with suspected female genital mutilation (FGM) to a UK safeguarding clinic.Design and Setting: Case series of all children under 18 years of age referred with suspected FGM between June 2006 and May 2014.Main Outcome Measures: These include indication for referral, demographic data, circumstances of FGM, medical symptoms, type of FGM, investigations and short-term outcome.Results: Of the 47 girls referred, 27 (57%) had confirmed FGM. According to the WHO classification of genital findings, FGM type 1 was found in 2 girls, type 2 in 8 girls and type 4 in 11 girls. No type 3 FGM was seen. The circumstances of FGM were known in 17 cases, of which 12 (71%) were performed by a health professional or in a medical setting (medicalisation). Ten cases were potentially illegal, yet despite police involvement there have been no prosecutions.Conclusions: This study is an important snapshot of FGM within the UK paediatric population. The most frequent genital finding was type 4 FGM with no tissue damage or minimal scarring. FGM was performed at a young age, with 15% reported under the age of 1 year. The study also demonstrated significant medicalisation of FGM, which matches recent trends in international data. Type 4 FGM performed in infancy is easily missed on examination and so vigilance in assessing children with suspected FGM is essential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim To synthesize knowledge, attitudes and experiences of health professionals about Female Genital Mutilation. Background Despite the World Health Organization campaigning to stop FGM, and it being illegal in many countries, the practice remains common in some countries and cultures. Migration has contributed to the growth of this practice in countries where it was not previously carried out. Design Mixed-method synthesis. Data sources Search of ten electronic databases: 2006-2014. Manual scanning of reference lists and summary feeds from international organizations such as WHO, UN and UNICEF. Review methods Thematic synthesis comparing country of origin where the practice was common with country of residence where migrant women affected by the practice reside. 17 included descriptive, quantitative, qualitative studies and grey literature studies in English or Spanish. Results Seven themes were developed: Ignorance of FGM practice and its consequences; Lack of adherence to FGM protocols and guidelines; Socially constructed acceptance of FGM; Ignorance of legislation and legal status of FGM; Condoning, sanctioning or supporting FGM; Lack of information and training; Nurses and Midwives as key to protecting and supporting girls and women Conclusions Although some nurses and midwives are in the forefront of eradicating FGM this is counterbalanced by health professionals (including nurses and midwives) who condone, sanction or support the practice with some calling for medicalization of FGM as a legitimate procedure. Girls at risk need better protection and women affected need more competent and cultural care from health professionals. Health and legal systems, professional regulation and governance, and professional training require strengthening to eradicate FGM, prevent the medicalization of FGM as an acceptable procedure, and to better manage the lifelong consequences for affected girls and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Female Genital Cutting (FGC), the practice of cutting, sewing and altering the genitals of girl children, is a significant global human rights issue, with two to three million girls subjected to it annually. Prevalence is concentrated in twenty-seven northern African countries and Yemen, and, with migration, it is also present in Western countries. It is a highly emotionally charged and contested issue. Globally, activists and communities, including those within practising countries, argue that it causes severe and irreparable harm to girls and women. It is understood as abuse and a violation of the 'best interests of the child'. Yet, within practising communities, FGC is generally believed to be 'in the best interests of the [girl] child'. The writers contend that social workers, child welfare and health professionals in Western countries should be equipped to assist residents from practising communities to recognise the harm, change attitudes and practices, and together ensure the protection of their girls from this form of abuse. Drawing on international literature, this article addresses FGC prevalence and harm, its cultural and social bases and effective prevention strategies internationally, together with strategies for practitioners to harness communities' commitment to their children's best interests by abandoning FGC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the significance of social norms as emergent orders and legislation as the primary source of social order. Topics discussed include difference between laws and norms, the limitations of social norms and social norms surrounding the case of footbinding in China and female genital mutilation (FGM) in Africa and the impact of laws against footbinding. It mentions the challenges presented by social norms to individual liberty and social welfare.

The Norwegian law against female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) was strengthened in 2004 through the addition of a duty to avert that requires extra vigilance from employees in the welfare system, including social workers, nurses and teachers, to protect girls from being subjected to FGM/C. The law against discrimination forbids discrimination based on ethnic background. These two laws may come into conflict and spill over into communicative situations in which the interpretation of the signs of potential future crimes takes place. This article particularly explores the challenges and risks for nurses, teachers and welfare officers in interpreting the early signs of an imminent FGM/C procedure in their attempts to communicate during efforts to avert female genital mutilation. The data is based on the documentation of one particular case, following it through the welfare and legal systems and including a secondary data source of interviews of official employees as well individuals of African descent who live in Norway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the international community has recently promoted legislation as an important reform strategy for ending female genital cutting ( FGC), there exist divergent views on its potential effects. Supporters argue that legal prohibition of FGC has a general deterrent effect, while others argue legislation can be perceived as coercive, and derail local efforts to end the practice. This study examines the range of responses observed in rural Senegal, where a 1999 anti- FGC law was imposed on communities in which the practice was being actively contested and targeted for elimination. Drawing on data from a mixed-methods study, we analyze responses in relation to two leading theories on social regulation, the law and economics and law and society paradigms, which make divergent predictions on the interplay between social norms and legal norms. Among supporters of FGC, legal norms ran counter to social norms, and did little to deter the practice, and in some instances incited reactance or drove the practice underground. Conversely, where FGC was being contested, legislation served to strengthen the stance of those contemplating or favoring abandonment. We conclude that legislation can complement other reform strategies by creating an 'enabling environment' that supports those who have or wish to abandon FGC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on the application of state obligations in Utrecht, Netherlands regarding the prevention of female genital mutilation (FGM) to be applied through the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The author says that FGM is a circumcision practice which removes or cuts the clitoris of women and is done either in infant, puberty, or pregnancy stage to represent the transition to another life stage. He mentions that to prevent the FGM practice, the third article of ECHR can be applied which focuses on the right to protect the inhuman or degrading treatment of individuals. Moreover, he adds that the eighth article of ECHR is also applicable because it centers on child abuse and violation of physical integrity and sexual anatomy.

The article discusses the high risk of female genital mutilation (FGM) among the women and girls in Great Britain. It states that the practice is a violation of human rights and expose children to health risk. It also cites the effort of the British government to improve the health and social welfare of the children by preventing FGM.

Abstract: Since female genital mutilation (FGM) was first recognized internationally in 1958, it has now become widely accepted and anchored in international law that FGM is a violation of girls'' and women''s human rights. Declines in the practice, however, are slow overall, and continued work for its elimination requires action and investment at many levels. Where the practice has diminished, community action has been widespread and sustained. Governments, who are ultimately responsible for the eradication of FGM, must take many measures to outlaw the practice and protect girls'' and women''s rights, through legislation, policy, education, and resource allocation. Among the other key actors, health care professionals have a particularly important role in treating women and in preventing FGM by actively opposing any medicalization of the practice. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article looks at the prohibition of female circumcision in Great Britain with focus on its agenda setting, the role of groups and the legislative process. According to the author, it is perhaps stunning that ritual female circumcision should have remained an issue of debate for some three parliamentary sessions. He notes that in March 1983, the House of Lords introduced the Prohibition of Female Circumcision Bill, which appeared relatively mundane and uncontroversial in parliamentary terms. However, when passed, the issue was transformed into one of great personal, moral and political sensitivity. Key features of the policy process in Britain relative female circumcision are keyed out.

Background: Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is all practices involving cutting, alteration or injury to the female genitalia for non-medical reasons. It is a form of violence against women and children, with no benefits and many harms. In 2014, the UK Government committed to working to eliminate FGM. Steps taken towards this aim included creation of educational and safeguarding resources for professionals, and legislative changes including a mandatory reporting duty for professionals in England and Wales (where if a girl under 18 discloses or is found on examination to have FGM then the professional is mandated to report this to the police), and an FGM Enhanced Dataset applicable to NHS organisations in England requiring the submission of personal data about women and girls who have had FGM to NHS Digital. To date, compliance with dataset returns from primary care services have been low. This report describes using patient and public involvement (PPI) to identify research and service priorities to support communities affected by FGM. Methods: We held a series of PPI events (4 focus groups, and a multi-agency seminar) in 2015–2016, following the introduction of these legislative changes, speaking to community members, and professionals involved in their care. We asked participants to consider what they identified as research, knowledge and service priorities to support communities affected by FGM. Results: The impact of these legislative and reporting requirements on the trust needed for community members to seek to consult health services was identified as important for further research. Priorities for service development were holistic services, that met a woman’s needs throughout her lifecourse. Participants emphasised the importance of understanding how to listen, involve and utilise community voices in developing education for professionals, designing services, and developing policy. Conclusions: There was a desire for change to develop from within affected communities; any learning and resources need to be co-created and constructed in such a way that they can be effectively shared between women, communities, and professionals. Questions remain about how to define community consultation, how to recognise when it was adequate, and how to hear beyond community activists to hear a wider range of voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author emphasizes that the common sense about prosecutions for female genital mutilation (FGM) in Great Britain prevails after doctor Dhanuson Dharmasena was found not guilty of performing FGM on a woman on February 4, 2015.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Surgeon Acquitted of Carrying Out Female Genital Mutilation in a Prosecution Criticised by Obstetricians," by C. Dyer in the February 5, 2015 issue.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Surgeon Acquitted of Carrying Out Female Genital Mutilation in a Prosecution Criticised by Obstetricians," by C. Dyer in the February 5, 2015 issue.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Surgeon Acquitted of Carrying Out Female Genital Mutilation in a Prosecution Criticised by Obstetricians," by C. Dyer in the February 5, 2015 issue.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "First UK Prosecution for Female Genital Mutilation Raises Concerns Among Doctors," by C. Dyer et al. in the March 28, 2014 issue.