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This article serves as a reply to comments made by E.G. Dunning and E.I. Hopper on the author's paper on social stratification in industrial society. Dunning and Hopper state that his paper 'explicitly sets out to explore' the problem of convergence. This, the author is afraid, is to claim too much for it. The author also wants to correct the statement made on the notion of one-way convergence. He wants also to explain that he does not think that American work on the subject of convergence as monolithic. He also explains that claim made that he regards national culture, political ideology and political organization as 'fixed and unalterable constraints on the effects of economic organization and technology'. Dunning and Hopper apparently fail to realise that the argument of Leach's to which they refer can equally be directed against the making of comparisons of a superficial kind. Certainly the existence of `generalised structural patterns' may be masked by differences in their specific manifestations in particular cases; but at the same time it is also implied by Leach's analogy that apparent similarities in social structures may be deceptive and may conceal underlying differences which it is the task of sociological analysis to expose.

The intentions in this paper are two-fold—to analyse the ideals of English children between the ages of eight and 18 years, taking into account such factors as age, sex, social class, educational background and political party identification; and to test for the relationship between political efficacy and the types of ideals chosen. The ideals which concern in this paper are those which relate closely to the child's picture of himself. In particular, the interest is in the children's exemplars—those adult figures who serve as models for children's values and conduct. The literature on the formation of idealized self-images has tended to concentrate on the significance of selecting figures from the child's immediate environment as models. Much less attention has been paid to the significance of selecting exemplars from the wider environment and yet the sell-image of the mature individual is dependent upon both early primitive identification and later significant persons. The adoption of such figures may have consequences both at the level of the political system and also at the level of individual political behaviour.

In 1958, in his review of available literature on socialization and social class, Bronfenbrenner concluded that working class parents more often use physical punishment, while the middle class resorts to psychological techniques of punishment. The present paper updates this analysis drawing on more recent published studies and on secondary analysis of a national survey; it also examines the magnitude of class differences rather than only their statistical significance. This analysis suggests that, although various studies have found a statistically significant relationship, the relationship is weak. Analysis by type of indicator of punishment, quality of sample, age of children, or year of study does not alter this conclusion. However, none of the studies is definitive, and suggestions are offered about topics to be pursued in future research. Besides their direct relevance to the study of socialization and social class, the data reviewed here suggest that several more general inferences drawn front earlier studies are at present empirically unsubstantiated. These include the hypotheses that physical punishment leads to "working class authoritarianism;' that childhood punishment experiences explain (lie greater probability that working class adults, as opposed to middle class adults, will commit homicide; that general use of corporal punishment is a precursor to child abuse; and that use of corporal punishment is part of a subcultural positive evaluation of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is popularly believed that upwardly mobile American men are more conservative than those born into the middle class. This paper reviews the evidence for the belief and concludes that, if anything, upwardly mobile American men are less conservative than their stable ,middle class compatriots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the empirical utility of consensual and conflictual theories in explaining the social cohesion of the liberal democracies of Britain and the United States. After clarifying conceptual problems of value consensus theory and Marxist theory, it examines the forms and extent of value-commitment in these countries. The conclusion is that both theories grossly overstate the amount of both value consensus between individuals and value consistency within individuals that actually exists. Cohesion in liberal democracy depends rather on the lack of consistent commitment to general values of any sort and on the "pragmatic acceptance" by subordinate classes of their limited roles in society. Suggestive evidence is also found for the existence of some "false consciousness" among subordinate classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-examines the social mechanisms that lead lower-class youth to make use of college as a mobility channel. It focuses on a select group of lower-class youth who, by their enrollment in a high-status university, already give unmistakable evidence of being engaged in the process of upward mobility. The findings reveal that upward mobility is linked to a distinctive pattern of maternal authority within the nuclear family and to dependence upon the outside social structure for support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no simple relationship between ascribed social status and delinquency. Both the status structure of the residential community and the extent to which delinquency is a function of a cultural tradition in a residential community affect the delinquency life-chances of a boy at each ascribed social class level. The largest proportion of delinquents for any status group comes from the more homogeneous status areas for that group, while the delinquency life-chances of boys in any status group tend to be greatest in the lower status areas and in high delinquency rate areas. Evidence presented in the paper for types of conforming and deviating boys lend support to the conclusions that (1) there is more frequent and serious delinquent deviation in the lower than in the middle stratum when self-reports of delinquent deviation are examined, (2) that the career oriented delinquent is found only among lower class boys, (3) that the major type of lower status boy is a conforming non- achiever while the conforming achiever is the major type in the middle class, (4) that conformers are more likely to be isolates than are non-conformers, and (5) that peer-oriented delinquency is the most common form of delinquent organization at both lower and middle status levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine sources for high social status, using the physician as an example. Functional theories and the "argument from usefulness" are examined. They are rejected primarily for the unwarranted assumption of a well integrated social system. Findings of greater or lesser Junctional importance of the various occupations seem to lack objective justification. The hypothesis is advanced that high social status is attached to those functions that appear to combine the contradictory standards of social stratification and the charismatic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests some practical and theoretical problems of churches pertinent to social class which ought to be the subjects of research and study. This article has grown out of a recent workshop conducted by members of the Religious Research Association. A sense of smugness about the status of their inter-group relations seems to characterize many churches since policies for integrating nonswhites into their congregations have been initiated or strengthened. Accepting racial integration on paper is not the end of such problems for the church, however; it often is but the beginning. others. The nature of the underlying attitudes of the social classes and their influences upon religious beliefs and behavior need study. It would be instructive to know whether or not the values of the various social classes are assimilated into the value systems of the churches in which the respective classes are the most strongly represented. New Testament teachings about the relationships of slaves and their masters, the bond and the free, and the rich and the poor are especially pertinent as a basis for establishing the ideal position of the contemporary Christian church on the subject of social-class distinctions.

The theory of complementary needs in mate-selection and the over-all design of a study to test this theory have been explained elsewhere in considerable detail. Accordingly, the present paper will present only a summary statement of the theory and will then present the design and findings of a study which test one aspect of the theory. The theory begins by noting the cultural expectation, especially in the American middle class, that marriage will be based upon love, and then defines the phenomenon of attraction which we call love in terms of the emotional needs of the lover. With love defined in terms of the lover's emotional needs, it is feasible to conceive of the mutual attraction of the dyadic love relationship in terms of the need-patterns of the two lovers. It is hypothesized that the need-patterns of the two lovers will be complementary. Despite the abundance of evidence that there is homogamous selection with respect to characteristics of social background, therefore, these results seem to indicate that within the group sampled and within the field of eligibles selection takes place on the basis of complementary needs.

This paper is a preliminary report of a study of adjustment in marriage which has two somewhat unique features: It is a comparison of marriages ending in divorce with marriages outsiders judged to be the most happily married known to them and secondly, the subjects are fairly representative of the general population whereas those of previous marital prediction studies have been predominantly white-cellar, middle class and highly educated. The paper will deal with four topics: the nature of the sample; the criteria of adjustment; whether or not divorced persons are good risks in subsequent marriages; and marital prediction items. It was expected that the divorced would have shorter marriages than the happily married. A larger per cent of divorced than happily married were married for each five year period up to and including 15-19, and a larger per cent of happily married than divorced for each five-year period beginning with 20-24. The per cent of divorced and happily married whose marriages were of less than ten years' duration was respectively 56.0 and 38.6.

This paper deals with a formerly quiet French-Canadian country town, now transformed into one of the leading Canadian centres of textile manufacture. Specifically, it describes the present competitive position of various classes in the town and relate the relevant facts to traditional life-objectives and expectations. Since but one case is presented, the treatment cannot be considered comparative in the full sense. A similar analysis could be made profitably in any community undergoing this type of change. The paper makes explicit use of the concept of position and implicit reference to the concept of status. Position is an individual's place in a competitive system. Status is an attribute of a person in society. Subjectively, it consists of his own definition of his place within a system of recognized duties and privileges; objectively, it is the recognition that the person occupies in fact, such a place. In a well integrated system of life, status and position tend to correspond. Each type of position in the existing competitive system would, in the logically ideal case, be defined as a status.

In this article the authors comment on an article by researchers Steven Box and Julienne Ford. Relying heavily on data derived from self-report delinquency studies, they conclude that the available evidence, while contradictory and confused, cannot be said to support the hypothesis that social class is negatively related to criminal behaviour. On the basis of this conclusion they then proceed to launch an attack on social labelling theory. The authors first lists a number of serious errors in their review of self-report delinquency studies. Following this they present their own review, the conclusion of which differs significantly from that of Box and Ford. Finally they argue that their paper appears to contain a concept of crime that is simply not viable. In developing their argument Box and Ford clearly find themselves on the horns of a dilemma. Their less than consistent efforts at specifying the form of behaviour under consideration is perhaps indicative of their confusion. On the one hand they are anxious to advance general statements that will embrace the activities of adults as well as juveniles. Yet the evidence on which they must rely is confined as they themselves readily admit--almost exclusively to the activities of juveniles or adolescents.

The research findings presented in this paper are drawn from some of the early results of a project undertaken in the Centre for Business Research at Manchester University, England. The project seeks to explain earnings movements of workers in industrial and commercial organizations with reference to the social, economic and technical systems within which they are operating. After a thorough examination of previous research on the subject, a theoretical model was developed. This model contained variables of different types. Although the scope of the model seemed vast it was considered that only by taking all these variables into account could a reasonable explanation of movements in earnings and social behavior related to the wage payment system be achieved. This paper is concerned with one of the darker corners of the model; that is, with the mutual dependency between roles and statuses at work and those in the family and local community. More particularly it deals with the transitional period between leaving school and getting married of broadly working class young women.

The article sheds light on 'embourgeoisement' and self rated class. In a paper published in the periodical "The Sociological Review," sociologists John H. Goldthorpe and David Lockwood, have convincingly argued against the view that post-war affluence has made manual workers and their wives 'middle-class' in attitudes and styles of life, and have put forward a model which gives the notion of 'embourgoisement' a precise and testable meaning. This paper sets out to show that figures for self-rated class in Great Britain can, on the contrary, be used to elucidate both these questions provided that respondents have been asked about the meaning of their self-rating. The data on which this conclusion is based are taken from a national sample survey carried out in the spring of 1962. The embourgeoisement thesis is of course not new. Before the Second World War many different observers spoke of a visible assimilation between the manual and non-manual classes. Proper examination of the embourgeoisement thesis requires, however, that the relationship with income should be more fully considered. The embourgeoisement thesis would presumably lead people to expect that the frequency of Conservative support should be highest among those manual workers (or their wives) who have reached the top third of the overall income distribution, and perhaps it would also lead people to expect that the correlation with self-rating should hold within all three levels of income.

The aim of the paper is, to consider the social position of the Anglo-colored in relation to his ethnic group and to the host society. The immigrants take as wives or consorts mostly local working class white women and miscegenation has now produced two generations of British-born colored. For the purpose of this paper they will be called Anglo-coloreds and only Negro and Muslim immigrants will be discussed. Muslim immigrants and their sons are seamen by occupation. Their wives or consorts are mostly white working class women but as the communities increase in numbers and time-depth Anglo-colored Muslim girls become available for marriage. Muslims have their own institutions for religious, social and recreational purposes using as centres for these activities, the Mosque or Zoaia, cafes and boarding houses respectively, with the sheikh and boarding house master performing the roles of primary and secondary leaders of the community. The attitude of the Negro father towards the upbringing of his child differs from that of his Muslim counterpart. Except for his insistence on strict obedience to parental control no attempt is made to train the child to become a carrier of the culture of the Negro community. The British wife or consort occupies a unique position in the community.

This paper presents results from an exploratory study of the utilization behavior of lower working-class families in Aberdeen, Scotland. It is shown that, after controlling for such factors as social class, educational level, geographical proximity to, and knowledge of available services, the underutilizers exhibit a different social profile from the utilizers with respect to a number of variables, postulated as being possibly related to utilization behavior. The underutilizers appear to sustain a crisis existence, experiencing lack of permanent accommodation, over-crowding, marital instability, financial difficulties, and frequent sickness in the family. Utilizers appear to avoid most of these problems and to plan for their future lives. The circumstances surrounding the first conception (whether or not it was post-nuptial, on the one hand, or pre-nuptial or illegitimate, on the other), appear to be a main distinguishing variable between the two study groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The efforts of occupational groups to raise their professional status resembles many of the activities of social movements. In this paper occupational group striving viewed as a social movement is demonstrated as being a significant factor in the development of negative orientations toward impoverished or lower class clients. The research centered on investigations of the orientations and behaviors of three occupational groupings within public health—physicians, nurses and sanitarians. The hypothesis that members of highly striving occupational groups would be significantly more negative in their orientations toward the poor or the lower class client was verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examine: the changes and nines of change in a well known professional reform organization. ft focuses on the interplay of change-oriented goals with their environment. The extent and forms of two goals, militant community action and indigenous participation, are traced throughout the organization history, and a distinction is made between various interpretations of participation and the concept indigenous. "To maintain the organization its goals were changed many limes. Maintenance was aided by the recruitment of professionalized, middle class, minority group members, taken as being the equivalent of the poor. A feature of professional reform organizations is just such symbolic representation. Several interpretations of these remit: In terms of other government sponsored reform movements are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports data on depressive symptomatology in a random sample of 1,645 adults in a Southeastern county. The respondents' scores on a depression scale are analyzed according to age, race, sex, annual family income, education, and a general socioeconomic status score. In order to review simultaneously the relationships between the respondents' scores on the depression scale and the variables under consideration, multiple regression analysis was used. Overall, the regression was significant although the variables of age and race were not. Socioeconomic status was the most significant variable, p < .001; femaleness was also statistically significant at the p < .001 level. The sociodemographic variables used in the multiple regression analysis accounted for 12.6 per cent of the total variance. This suggests that other factors such as psychopathology and/or organic illnesses, and their interactions with social and physiologic factors must be investigated before more definitive conclusions can be reached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the paper on present tendencies in class differentiation by lecturer F.G. D'aeth presented at the meeting of the Sociological Society in London, England. The object of D'aeth's paper was to show that the basis determining class had changed during the past 150 years from that of social position of the family to that of ability of the individual, and that the present class constitution was tending more accurately to represent a grading of ability. Class determination by family and birth which existed 150 years ago had been broken down by three forces: the economic development of society, the education movement, and the formation of the large town. Passage from one class to another was rendered much easier, not only on account of the removal of social barriers but also, partly by the enormous increase, in the number of new posts--thus affording opportunity to hitherto undeveloped forms of ability, and partly by the much greater capacity for expansion within a single occupation--thus affording scope for degree of ability. In view of the importance of ability and its influence in determining the construction of society, it was desirable to study its forms, its distribution in a people, and the laws of its production and transmission.

The article focuses on the book "Images of Class," by A.F. Davies. This is an expensive little book recording a survey in 1962 of the attitudes towards class of 146 adults in Melbourne. The aim was to find out what they understood by class, how they would locate themselves and other people (notably relatives) in this stratification system, and to try to deduce something about the origins of these attitudes by interrelating the facts collected in the survey. Some stress is laid on sibling relationships as a cause but in view of the small sample and the investigators' failure to calculate any tests of significance, these conclusions carry little weight. Most of this book is anecdotal; interesting but of little scientific value, but perhaps it is useful as the pilot it was intended to be.

IN A RECENT paper Mr. Runciman concludes by inviting replies to his argument that it is logically and conceptually useful to employ the tripartite distinction between `class' `status' and `power' in the analysis of social stratification. Mr. Runciman does not, of course, deny the existence of links between these three dimensions, but suggests that such links must be seen contingent empirical relationships and not necessary logical ones. I hope that the following paper will provide such a reply. It must be clear that the following criticism is directed, in the main, to those parts of the paper in which Mr. Runciman is concerned with the logical and conceptual problem. The essay in question also contains a clear and valuable assessment of the problems encountered in any attempt to measure the three types of inequality. In the first part of the paper I propose to give a critical assessment of certain central aspects of Mr. Runciman's argument and, in the second part, I will put forward a very brief formulation of what I consider to be a more meaningful alternative view of the relationships between class, status, and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended as a contribution to the formal theory of stratification systems. The paper has five sections. In Section I, a method for analytically inducing an order over a multi-dimensional status is discussed. It is believed that such a technique can aid in the specification of conceptual tasks within stratification theory, as well as serve as a baseline in actual measurements. It is subsequently employed in the axiomatic work of Sections 3 and 4. In Section 2, there is a brief discussion of the axiomatic method as a prelude to the system developed in the following two sections. In Section 3, the axioms are stated. In Section 4, various elementary consequences of the axioms are shown; most importantly, various concepts which are intuitively important in stratification theory are shown to be definable (e.g., a class system with a determinate number of classes). Finally, in Section s, there is a concluding discussion of the picture of stratification which emerges within this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents a substantial differential in the death rates of northern and southern Democrats in the U. S. House of Representatives. The mortality of southern Democrats is found to be quite lout in comparison to that of other American professional and white collar worker; while the mortality of northern Democrats is found to be excessive relative to that experienced by middle class Americans. Multiple decrement life table procedures are adapted to evaluate the impact of the mortality differential on the distribution of seniority in the House. The results show that low death rates are an important factor in the fashioning of the numerical advantage that Southerners hold among senior House Democrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on social stratification refers on occasion to inter-class marriage as the "acid test" of class mobility. This paper examines that proposition using Italian national-sample survey data on four socio-political perspectives: the respondent's perception of 1) the different distribution of rewards in society, 2) the degree to which class boundaries restrict social intercourse, 3) the character of inter-class relation, and 4) the interest representations of political parties. Evidence supports the proposition, in addition, rates of heterogamy are reported, and the relationship of heterogamy to career entries is examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes problematic the situational conditions under which policemen write official crime reports in field encounters with complainants. These reports are the raw materials for official crime rates-"crimes known to the police." They also are a prerequisite of further investigation of the crime by the detective bureau and thus of apprehension of the offender. They constitute official recognition of crimes. The findings derive from a three-city observation study of routine police encounters. Among the conditions that relate to the production of official crime reports are the following: the legal seriousness of the complaint, the complainant's observable preference for police action, the relational distance between the complainant and the suspect, the complainant's degree of deference toward the police, and the complainant's social-class status. However, there is no evidence of racial discrimination in crime-reporting. We interpret these empirical patterns not only from the standpoint of crime rates as such but also from the standpoint of the relation between police work and other aspects of social organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we propose a method for determining if there is any basis for claiming that a significantly greater incidence of schizophrenia is found in the lowest social class as compared with the other social classes. A comparison of discrepancy indices, measured by subtracting an educational weight from an occupational weight, between fathers and their schizophrenic Sons demonstrates that in all comparisons the schizophrenic Sons show a significantly lower discrepancy index than their fathers. This finding also holds true for the psycho pat hies but not for the cyclothytmic cases. The interpretation is suggested that while schizophrenics in their developmental years are able to show fair educational achievement they are at a distinct disadvantage when they enter the job market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Index of Class Position (ICP) described in this article was developed to provide an easily applied intercommunity measure of stratification that would improve upon the accuracy of estimating an individual's position in the class structure. The need for such a measure arose from research being done in the college setting, which often makes existing stratification procedures--impracticable. Hollingshead's two-factor Index of Social Position (ISP) remains the only procedure in common use possibly exempt from these deficiencies. Nevertheless, the utility of ISP is seriously reduced for purposes by its inclusion of education as a component. One consequence is that the effect of education can no longer be analyzed independently of social class. This poses a serious limitation in the study of college students. A second consequence is to exacerbate the tendency of most indices to elevate the prestige of the professional. For instance, the weight given education means that all college professors are operationally defined as class I. The result is a confounding of the upper and upper-middle classes which can be a source of significant measurement error, especially in those more selective institutions where a substantial proportion of the students are from the upper class. This paper has introduced an improved intercommunity measure of social stratification, offered a rationale for its development, and presented evidence confirming the validity of its use.

The departure point of this paper is the thesis that the differential commitment of relatives to the dominant values of the society has consequences for the posthospital fate of the mental patient. The major hypothesis tested concerns the relationship between patients' posthospital performance and the class status of their families. In addition, the relationships between performance levels and three other variables which presumably reflect degree of commitment to the dominant values--namely, class self-identification, religion, and ethnic back ground-- are in the predicted direction. The documented relationships are part of a series based on the proposition that tolerance of deviant behavior on the part of family members is a key factor affecting the course of a patient's posthospital experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report focuses on data obtained from 276 adult male felons who were inmates in a maximum-security penitentiary in 1971. The general intent of the larger study of which this essay is a part was to test the viability of two available explanations of the impact of confinement. One of these models, often re/erred to as the "deprivation model," provides a restrictive perspective by virtue of its unusually heavy emphasis on intra-institutional processes and influences. A more recent approach, the "importation model," accepts the importance of such intra-institutional variables, but also points to the importance of variables that originate outside the context of the prison and, in many cases, cannot be directly manipulated by correctional officials. The specific variables reported in this paper include measures of social class of origin, social class of attainment, fire prison involvement in criminality, extent of contact with the larger society during confinement, and the inmates' perceptions of their post-prison life-chances. These independent variables were correlated with a measure of prisonization. The findings provide evidence in support of the more inclusive conceptualization provided by the importation model. The obvious implication is that overemphasis on intra-institutional factors will only prove to be misleading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main empirical question for this paper is whether boys in close friendship groups have the same specific patterns of delinquent behavior. The delinquent behavior of boys in close friendship triads was compared with that expected for six kinds of delinquent behavior. Two ways of accounting for the observed distribution were examined, one based on a random model and the other on a deduction from differential association theory. We conclude that the probability of an individual committing a specific kind of delinquent act depends upon the commission of the act by other members of the triad, though this is not independent of the social class of boys. The actual delinquent behavior of boys in triads departs somewhat less from the random than the differential association hypothesis, at least for the more serious offenses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the analysis of social mobility in an open class system, three analytically distinct and empirically discernible variants should be noted. The first of these, mobility resources, refers to those qualities and conditions conducive to upward mobility that are either ascribed to or inherent in the individual, such as economic resources or basic capacities and abilities. The second, mobility skills, refers to learned patterns of behavior and acquired attitudes and values that are instrumental to mobility, such as the deferred ratification pattern, manners, and modes of communication. The third, mobility orientation, refers to aspiration levels within the stratification system that may serve as points of motivation in competition for position in the social structure. This paper is concerned primarily with the mobility orientation variable. There are two alternative interpretations of mobility orientation in American society. One assumes that mobility orientation roughly follows class lines, so that the middle and upper classes are the strivers while the lower classes set a level of aspiration that is largely satisfied within the limits of their own stratum.

Previous investigations on the subject of social classes have dealt largely with occupational aspiration in absolute terms; that is, a monolithic definition of occupational success has been imposed upon the occupational hierarchy, and the aspirations of lower-class people have been compared with those of upper-class people. Almost without exception, the absolute occupational aspirations of the upper classes have been found to be "higher" in the economic structure than those of the lower class. Because the lower classes are less inclined to aspire to professional and managerial occupations, such findings have supported the idea that they do not desire to "get ahead." But there is reason to believe that relative positions should be taken into account, that is, some attention should be paid to the class level from which the individual begins in deciding whether or not he desires to get ahead. The present paper is devoted to further study on this matter. It is based on the responses of male high school seniors to a questionnaire dealing with their occupational plans and aspirations.

This paper investigates the extent to which becoming educated, skilled, and mobile matters to different segments of the population. The sample, upon which this study is based, consists of a randomly selected portion of an area-probability sample of the society of Puerto Rico a sample which the Insular Bureau of Labor Statistics designed for the monthly labor force survey. The data show that the more years of school an individual has had, the more he acts as if education does matter. The results of testing for the significance of the difference between mean years of school completed by out-of-school children, by the education of their fathers, with differences in residence controlled were as follows: out of eleven possible sets of differences, seven were significant in the expected direction, one significant in the reverse direction, and three were non-significant. The test results for the same kinds of comparisons between differently educated fathers with income controlled were as follows: out of twenty-one possible sets of differences, eighteen were significant in the expected direction, one in the reverse direction, and two were non-significant. The conclusion to be drawn from these findings is that in general the more educated the father, the more educated the children, and this holds true within almost all income and residential groups.

This paper concerns aspects of the individual's relationship to his neighbors in the community of residence. The general predisposition to enter into friendly relationships with neighbors is considered in terms of mutual visiting, borrowing, general liking for one another, and getting to know new residents in the community. In addition to the general predisposition to neighboring, the analysis considers actual patterns of neighboring among members of the community in order to explore the behavioral counterpart of the predisposition. Such an approach assumes that a predisposition is not necessarily realized on a behavioral level. It is proposed that casual neighboring behavior of the type described is conditioned both by class position and by ethnic origin. Two variables were dealt with in analyzing the ethnic and class correlates of casual neighboring. The first of these was "predisposition to interpersonal contact," and the second was "actual neighboring behavior." The predisposition to interpersonal contact concerns the individuals interest in and desire to engage in casual neighboring with his fellow residents in the community. Actual neighboring behavior, relates jointly to ethnic origin and class position of the respondent. It was observed that the major differentials between desire and performance in area of casual neighboring appeared in the middle and lowest class non-European groups.

This paper analyzes the differential class behavior in Denmark. Social class is here conceived of as a stratum or layer of society differentiated in terms of scalar social status. The basic status variable is conceived in terms of the differential deference allotted to a person by his fellow group members. Sensitivity to status differences was found to be positively related to respondents' own status. This was documented by prestige rating of 75 occupations in which respondents of higher status exhibited considerably less variation in rating than low status groups; number of social classes reported to exist in Denmark; and asserted ability to place people socially by just looking at them or listening to their speech. Although all strata showed majority agreement in asserting this ability, the percentages of asserters increased with social status. A regular and statistically significant increase was observed in percentages possessing the characteristics with increasing social status; interest in theater, painting, classical music and politics, familiarity with modern Danish literature and knowledge of foreign languages.

The countries of Southeast Asia present, in their long historical development, a picture of continuous interaction of indigenous and foreign values and influences, sometimes nullifying each other, sometimes leading to local syntheses. Sociologically this interaction has perhaps been most apparent in changes in social stratification. In the present paper, an effort will be made to describe these changes in Indonesia, although it is hoped that these observations may have value for the area as a whole. Broadly speaking Indonesian societies may be divided into two groups. First, there is a diminishing number that still preserve their traditional and varied social structures, with their own social levels, and their traditional cohesiveness. The second group consists of those societies whose structures have in varying degrees been altered as a result of non-Indonesian influences, including Hindu, Islamic, and Western civilizations. No clear line divides the two groups; each society in the vast Indonesian archipelago must be evaluated by itself in order to determine how far foreign influences have penetrated and to what extent a new and different social class system has emerged side by side with the old, or as in a few cases, has wholly supplanted the old.

This paper presents a partial report of a study of how perceptions of the attitudes of members of occupational groups, and communication with members of such groups are related to individuals' own attitudes. Before describing the study, some of the theoretical considerations are outlined, and the hypotheses tested are presented. The general hypotheses with which the present study is concerned are as follows: in groups characterized by generally positive intermember attraction, and with regard to an issue generally considered to have some relevance for that group, members tend to attribute to each other attitudes like their own; those who communicate frequently with others about such an issue will more accurately perceive each others' attitudes than will those who communicate about it infrequently; those who are concerned about such an issue will tend to perceive the attitudes of other group members as more like their own than will those who are less concerned. This study, one among several to be reported, was so designed as to put the above hypotheses to a fairly severe test. The "groups" of which the respondents were considered to be members were: objective social class, and "three best friends" who might or might not be acquainted with one another.

This paper deals with a neglected problem in the social stratification of occupations. Most research in this area has been concerned with prestige differences among occupations and begs the question of intra-occupational variability. It is suggested that there may be as much or more variability in prestige within many occupational categories as among them. The central concern of this inquiry is with the differential prestige associated with specific positions of school superintendent, an occupation having characteristics of both professional and executive positions. Another unique aspect of this inquiry deserves emphasis. Whereas most studies of occupational stratification have been concerned with prestige evaluations by the general public or by students. A working hypothesis that intra-occupational prestige differentials among school superintendence's are a function of the relative opportunity to contribute to the function of the occupation proved to be less adequate than reliance on the single factor salary, which did not fit neatly into the initial formulation. It was found that salary was an important determinant of prestige not only in conjunction with the other variables but also independently of them. It was suggested that the independent contribution of this variable stemmed largely from its superior visibility.

This paper examines social position in relation to social stratification. It questions whether the American society consists of a few fairly discernable social strata or of a multitude of overlapping social positions. Previous attempts have been made to construct a method whereby persons could be placed functionally within the social structure. A major limitation of most of these studies lies in the initial procedure. Most authors define structure only in order to get to the far more important psychological traits characterizing each class. The present study applies profile scales which are exactly one foot in length. To reduce bias each scale was given only two reference points. The final instrument consisted of nine scales and an appendaged background data sheet. Neither social position nor social class can be considered as single variables. The results of both the social position and social class scales are displayed graphically. Social class and social position were correlated with the seven rating scales by means of the Pearsonian method. Reliability and validity were also tested in the study.

The article presents the paper is based on five years of field work carried on by undergraduates at Wellesley College, Massacheusets, in connection with a course on American ethnic groups, though use will be made only of the results obtained. The students came in contact with some two or three hundred Armenian-Americans, chiefly of the first and second generation, living in the Boston metropolitan area. Interviews were of some length, ranging from one to five hours. They were chiefly group interviews, with their setting a little more frequently in the home than in the office. For the purpose of qualitative analysis, the home interviews were particularly enlightening, involving as they did informal family interaction around the dinner table. The informants for this study were chosen largely from that section of the ethnic group which has made a more or less successful adjustment to middle class status. Since the interviewers were inexperienced, it seemed best to give them their initial training in informal interviewing and participant observation under conditions which would tax their emerging skill as lightly as possible.

The Zones of Mexico City which produce the most crime seem to be either central or peripheral. As in North American cities the areas with highest percentages of conventional criminality tend to be located near the central business district. Perhaps more obviously than in cities of the United States the home addresses of notorious white-collar criminals are in the better residential neighborhoods. Whether the incidence of these unrecorded crimes of the upper class would show a rate equal to that of the recorded crimes of the lower class, or whether an index to the bribe-taking activities of the middle class in the areas between would show as high a rate as either, it is not possible to say. It is the purpose of this paper to describe and analyze criminogenesis in these central and peripheral zones. Because of the slow growth that typified most of its long history and its more recent rapid development, Mexico City has shifted in basic configuration from the plaza-centered structure of the older Mexican cities.

The present of political elections in Schleswig-Holstein during the years paper is based on a study movements, parties, and the German region of which was carried out 1932 to 1934. Since the people's delegates to legislative bodies are elected for definite areas, the ecological approach to the analysis of election results is so to speak suggested by the very nature of the data. This would not be the case if elections were conducted by occupational or other non-territorial units. Besides, the political behavior of most people is to a large extent conditioned by the opinions and actions of other persons with whom they live in close proximity, particularly in rural society. The student of political movements in pre-Nazi Germany had the advantage that a multiple party system lends itself better than a two party system to this kind of analysis, and furthermore that the system of proportional representation favored the organization of political parties around definite social interest groups, and therefore emphasized the correspondence between social classes and political parties. Consequently the party constellation in any area came very close to an expression of the class structure of that area.

The article focuses on the fact that in one sense full-time youth leaders are comparative newcomers to the British social scene. A great deal of thought has gone into the question of the recruitment, selection and training of full-time youth leaders. A research project in these areas has been conducted from the Westhill College of Education. The present paper is concerned only with that part of the research which examined the leaders' social class origins. It was hypothesized that they would come from homes which were lower middle-class, fathers being lower-grade non-manual workers. This estimate was based partly on a supposed parallel with recruits to the teaching profession. There are other features of the life-histories of the leaders which have come to be connected with traditional working-class life. Nearly all the parents concerned finished full-time schooling at the earliest age allowed by law at the time. This applies to forty-five fathers and forty-one mothers. The leaders themselves have fared better, since twenty-one reached grammar school at least. If one may hazard a generalisation about full-time youth leaders on the basis of this one constituency--they come from a working class background where their parents displayed some middle-class attitudes. They themselves have internalized those middle-class values.

This paper starts by trying to define the differencia specifica of the peasantry-- the uniqueness by which the peasantry may be defined and selected. The definition of peasantry necessarily consists of both static and dynamic elements, either one of which is sufficient on its own. From this starting point, the article proceeds to the problem of peasantry as part of society, and then to the patterns of political influence of this entry. In dealing with this subject other approaches are feasible and even needed. The translation of rich, complex reality into a verbal form of fewer dimensions makes many approaches possible and valid, subject to a recognition of the limitations involved. Only a combination of both conceptual and factual research by different disciplines and approaches may overcome the short-comings of knowledge of the peasantry and the methodological difficulties involved. The peasantry consist of small producers on land who, with the help of simple equipment and the labor of their families, produce mainly for their own consumption, and for the fulfillment of their duties to the holders of political and economic power.

The article presents information on various papers related to migration in Europe, published in different journals. One of the papers titled "Cart Before the Horse," presents differences between the present British Government and the Select Committee on Immigration and Race Relations on the Control of Commonwealth immigration. Another paper "Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in France," suggests that besides the race determinant, other factors such as the history of colonization, length of stay, educational level and industrial experience before migration, all seem equally important in accounting for the relative positions of the different immigrant groups in France. The paper titled "Migration of Population in East-Central Europe, 1939-1955," reports that despite initial difficulties, the process of integration is very much advanced. In spite of early fears and prophecies, in the long run the fabric of this part of Europe has not been weakened by great migrations but rather brought to greater stability. The paper deals with movements based on political decisions often independent of the interests and desires of the groups involved. Thus it was a forced political migration, although in many cases compulsion was indirect.

The article comments on the research paper "Response Biases in Field Studies of Mental Illness," by Derek L. Phillips and Kevin J. Clancy. Authors suggest that two forms of response bias, social desirability responding and naysaying, gravely distort scores on the mental health inventory. They suggest that such distortions may be nonrandomly distributed across levels of SES, and thus explain numerous findings of negative correlations between social class and mental illness. Authors do not clearly define "response set" or the general range of implications they might draw from correlations between mental health and response set indicators. Rather, a priori position is taken that association means error. Authors apply their social desirability index to a problem which it cannot resolve, that of estimating bias in actual responses. Researchers conducting field studies of mental health, or other surveys, recognize that certain precautions will greatly reduce response error. Response error is also reduced by strong interviewer-respondent rapport.

The article presents a summary of a research paper about social psychology. This summary is to be read by Stanley Bligh before the Social Psychology Group of the Sociological Society, at a meeting on November 5, 1912. Social psychology must undertake a systematic study of individuals. Without trespassing on the fields of medicine or philanthropy much work might be done to benefit humanity and at the same time both the practical and theoretical knowledge of psychology would be greatly increased. Those most suitable for study appear to consist of three groups. The first group is composed of individuals who are to be found chiefly in the lower strata of society and amongst these it is important to avoid any element of charity or patronage. The group includes the habitual criminals, the quasi-criminals, the prostitutes and the economic failures. The second group comprises those who are usually found in the higher grades of society, the wasters of energy, time and money. The third group of individuals suitable for psychological study is made up of those who are possessed of favorable characteristics, such as the moderately clever inventive genius.

The article focuses on the book "Education, Economy, and Society: A Reader in the Sociology of Education," by A.H. Halsey, Jean Floud and C. Arnold Anderson. This volume is a collection of 41 previously published papers by sociologists, economists and policy makers, concerning the relation of education in modern society to the economy and class structure. The papers are divided into six sections, The Consequence of Economic Change: Education, Social Mobility, and the Labour Market, The Selection Process in Education, Social Factors in Educational Achievement, The Changing Social Functions of Schools and Universities, and Teachers in Schools and Universities.