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In a previous paper [12], an attempt was made to show how spectral techniques could be used to compare the effects of two seasonal adjustment procedures on the series to which they were applied. The two procedures compared were: (a) the technique currently used by the Bureau of Labor Statistics for seasonally adjusting employment, unemployment, and labor force monthly statistics, and (b) the so-called "residual" method, proposed by Brittain [2], Samuelson [16], and others. Spectra of the original and the seasonally adjusted series and the cross spectrum of the two were used to aid in the assessment of whether either procedure removed more than could be considered seasonal, introduced spurious regularities, and/or distorted temporal relationships. It was concluded that both techniques removed more than seasonal effects from, and produced some temporal distortion in, the series to which they were applied. Neither method appeared to be superior to the other. It is the purpose of this paper to carry the previous analysis one step further and to compare the BLS procedure with a modified version of the regression method of seasonal adjustment suggested by Cowden [3] and Mendershausen [11], and recently revived by Harman [9, 10] in an exceptionally sophisticated form. In addition to Hannan's work along the lines suggested, Nettheim [13] and Rosenblatt [15] have made studies. Rosenblatt [15] has carried out analyses similar to those reported here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on a meeting on freshwater ecology held at the Exeter, England-based University of Exeter from 3-7 July, 1964 and a meeting of the Tropical Group on patterns in dry tropical vegetation held in London, England-based Linnean Society on November 4, 1964. Series of papers presented at the meetings; Discussions on each paper; Participants of the meetings.

This paper discusses recent speculation concerning the normative bond which ties the lower class to the present structure of British society. It focuses on the assertions by some theorists that the normative opposition which can arise 'spontaneously' within the lower class is inherently limited in scope, and that any future class based movements of a radical kind depend on the action of agencies 'external' to the lower class. Some preliminary results are presented from a recent survey of council tenants in Barking, East London, some of whom were on rent strike. This evidence reveals the existence of attitudes 'deviant' to dominant values concerning the ownership and rights of property. In conclusion, the nature of lower class normative opposition is reassessed and it is suggested that the lower class are not as conceptually restricted as is often suggested, and that future possibilities of radical action do not necessarily depend on the activities of the Labour Party or trade unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the type of interpretation of the successful political incorporation of the British working class in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which stresses normative factors-'deference', craving for respectability, bourgeoisification, religious feelings etc. It corrects misleading statements in some of these accounts and uses historical evidence to stress the importance of objective, structural constraints on working class ability to mobilize on a class basis in the political system prior to 1918. Following this interpretation some points are made about the British political culture on theoretical grounds stemming from Durkheim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an historical and statistical analysis of the pre-professional education of officers of various sectors and levels of the British Army between 1800 and 1971. 'Four eras' in the evolution of educational selectivity in the army commissioning system are identified: 1800-1849---educational criteria irrelevant; 1849-I 870-partial educational selectivity; 1870-1939-examination-dominated selection; 1941 onwards- `scientific' selection. In the light of this historical pattern, it was anticipated that the officer corps would show a heavy dependence on the elite sector of education, although also, over time, a reduction in this dependence. Examination of figures for membership of Woolwich (1855-1939), of Sandhurst (1890-1967), of the army elite (1870-1971), and of the officer corps as a whole (1969) verified these predictions. Officership proves to have been a virtual monopoly of the public schools-amongst whom the major boarding schools were predominant at least up to the Second World War, and even since then public school boys have predominated at every level of the army until quite recently. However, it is also clear that an irreversible decline in the role of the public schools has now set in, and that state sector schools are now taking over the major role in the supply of new officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins by examining the typology of educational systems outlined by Earl Hopper m Sociology (vol. 2, no. I, 1968) and argues against the attempt to reduce the comparative study of education to varieties of occupational selection. On the other hand, accepting that a central part of the sociology of education must be with ideology and the generation and transmission of learning, it outlines a framework for examining this in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a brief account of notes on functional representation in the British House of Commons. The purpose of this paper is to consider two different but related hypotheses concerning functional representation in the House of Commons. Although private members usually represent party interests with considerable cohesion, a significant number also conspicuously represent various par- ticular interests; when this is true, their behavior during debate will reflect this type of representation as well as their party representation. A debate on the procedures of the House of Commons, which must of necessity consider the role of the private member, is in part a debate over theories of representation. It may be that the recent discussions of Commons procedures are, whether so intended or not, a reflection of some discontent with the present balance between collectivist views of representation and the concepts of functional representation. Certainly a consideration of the way in which institutional changes might alter the access of interest representation in Britain is necessary for a full understanding of these institutions themselves.

It is the purpose of this paper to discuss certain selected topics which illustrate how the tendency to approach the study of American institutions in terms of the British system has given rise to errors in judgment, to a mistaken emphasis, and to the distortion of facts. In the U.S. the investigating committee with its extensive hearings and its sifting of evidence has done much to correct shortcomings and failures in the administrative branch and has paved the way for the adoption of reform legislation. Although select committees were the most important instrumentality used in Great Britain for inquiry purposes in the nineteenth century, they have today almost completely ceased to be of any political importance. The tendency of the British Cabinet to treat "every serious criticism of the work of the Departments as an attack upon itself, to be resisted with the whole strength of its majority," has caused parliamentary discussions to become stereo-typed debates between opposing armies under rigid party discipline rather than informative and critical analyses of present-day conditions. The advantages of the English cabinet system over the American presidential system have frequently been pointed out. However, the major problem of government today is how to maintain an effective control over the administrative machine.

Examines insects infected sacks used for the storage and packing of foods in Great Britain. Details of species of insects found in sacks; Reasons for occurrence of the insect Oryzaephilus surinamensis in flour sacks; Insects found in food sacks used for the storage of waste paper.

The article discusses Bimetallic controversy of fifty years ago. Bimetallism thrilled people as perhaps no other controversy of the day. It was at its height in the years preceding the discovery of the Rand in 1886, a discovery which before the end of the century had robbed it of all but academic interest. In Great Britain itself it became a lively issue owing to the sharp and prolonged fall in the gold price of silver and other commodities after 1872. It gave a minister of the government Alfred Marshall the opportunity to expound before the Gold and Silver Commission of 1887-8 and the House of Commons Committee on Indian Currency (1899) not only his plan of Symmetallism, i.e., of paper based on a composite of gold and silver; but his whole theory of money and credit. In the United States, which had a great silver-producing interest, it drew from William Jennings Bryan, the democratic candidate for the American presidency in 1896, the famous challenge "Shall mankind be crucified on a cross of gold?" But all Europe was interested; and it is on the Continent that the story begins and develops.